Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu (In middle addressing the Press)

By Editor 

#TheNworisaDoctrine 

For decades, many Nigerians have grown up with a simple description of January 15, 1966: the Igbo coup. The story is familiar: Igbo military officers overthrew Nigeria's First Republic, killed prominent Northern and Western leaders, and an Igbo officer, Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, eventually emerged as Head of State. The anger that followed in the North then became part of the chain of events that eventually led to the Nigerian Civil War. 

But what if the story is more complicated than the label suggests? This is not an attempt to excuse the coup. It was an unconstitutional seizure of power, and the killing of political leaders and military officers cannot be justified by whatever grievances the plotters had against Nigeria's political class. But if we genuinely want to understand how Nigeria moved from January 15 to the Civil War, we have to look beyond the label and examine what actually happened. 

By January 1966, Nigeria's young democracy was already in serious trouble. The 1964 federal election had been bitterly disputed, while the Western Region had descended into political violence following the controversial 1965 election. Homes were burned, political opponents were attacked and the crisis popularly remembered as “Operation Wetie” demonstrated just how badly the political system was deteriorating. To some young military officers, the politicians appeared incapable of resolving the problems they had created. 

Among those who eventually plotted the coup were Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Major Adewale Ademoyega. Nzeogwu and Ifeajuna were Igbo, while Ademoyega was Yoruba. The wider group of officers involved was also not exclusively Igbo. This does not mean ethnicity had nothing to do with how the coup unfolded or how it was later perceived, but it does make the simple description of the operation as an exclusively Igbo conspiracy much harder to sustain. 

And then there is the part of the story that many Nigerians may never have heard. 

One of the reported intentions of the plotters was to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was then serving a prison sentence, and bring him into the new political arrangement. Major Ademoyega's account, as one of the principal planners, contains the Awolowo connection, and other historical accounts have also referred to the plan. This does not mean Awolowo planned or authorised the coup. It means that at least some of the plotters were thinking beyond simply handing Nigeria to an Igbo government. 

That raises an important question: if the plotters' intentions were more complicated, how did January 15 become remembered as an “Igbo coup”? 

Part of the answer lies in who was killed and what happened afterward. 

Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, was killed. Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was killed. Several senior Northern military officers were killed. In the West, Premier Samuel Ladoke Akintola was also killed. Yet the coup itself did not completely succeed. The operation in Lagos failed to achieve all its objectives, and Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi survived. 

Eventually, Ironsi emerged as Head of State. 

Ironsi was Igbo. 

Whatever the original intentions of the plotters, this was now the reality Nigerians had to interpret. Imagine how the events looked from the perspective of a Northern Nigerian who had just watched Ahmadu Bello, Balewa and several senior Northern officers murdered, only to see an Igbo military officer emerge at the centre of the new government. To many, the pattern appeared unmistakably ethnic. 

The distinction between who planned the coup, who carried out particular killings, who ultimately took power and how the public interpreted the events became almost impossible to maintain. The actions of a relatively small group of military officers increasingly became associated with an entire ethnic group. 

Ironsi's subsequent policies made matters even more complicated. His government introduced Decree No. 34, which sought to replace the existing federal structure of the civil service with a unified system. From one perspective, centralisation was an attempt to eliminate the regional divisions that had contributed to Nigeria's political crisis. But coming only months after the deaths of the Northern political leadership, it was interpreted by many Northerners as confirmation of their fears that the North had lost its political power to an Igbo-led central government. 

Whether that interpretation was completely fair is another question. But political history is shaped not only by what leaders intend; it is also shaped by what people believe those intentions to be. 

On July 29, 1966, Northern military officers launched a counter-coup. Ironsi was killed alongside Lieutenant-Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, the Yoruba military governor of the Western Region who had refused to abandon him. What followed was even more devastating: violence spread against Igbo people and other Eastern Nigerians living in parts of the North. Thousands were killed, families were displaced and people who had spent decades building lives outside their ancestral homes began returning East because they no longer felt safe. 

The anger created by the deaths of Northern leaders was understandable as an emotional reaction to an extraordinary political crime. The retaliation against innocent civilians, however, was neither justice nor a legitimate response to the coup. 

An Igbo trader in Kano did not kill Ahmadu Bello. An Igbo child born in Kaduna did not overthrow Nigeria's government. An Igbo railway worker did not design the coup. Yet an entire population increasingly became associated with the actions of a relatively small group of military officers. 

That was one of the great tragedies of 1966: individual responsibility was replaced by collective blame. 

From there, trust between the regions deteriorated rapidly. The massacres and mass displacement deepened the belief in the East that Igbo lives could no longer be guaranteed within Nigeria. Political negotiations failed, the country was restructured into states, and eventually Lt. Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu declared the independence of Biafra. On July 6, 1967, the Federal Government began military operations, marking the formal beginning of the Civil War. 

Nigeria's Civil War was therefore not born from one event. It emerged from a succession of political failures, killings, fears, retaliations and broken trust. 

This is why perhaps we need to be more careful about the history we pass to the next generation. Saying that January 1966 was more complicated than the phrase “Igbo coup” does not mean celebrating the coup or denying the deaths of the Northern and Western leaders. It means refusing to turn the actions of individuals into the guilt of an entire people. 

We can condemn the coup without condemning the Igbo. We can remember Ahmadu Bello and Tafawa Balewa without justifying the killing of innocent Eastern Nigerians. We can acknowledge the legitimate anger of people who lost their leaders without accepting collective punishment as justice. 

The young Nigerians alive today did not choose what their grandparents did in 1966. We cannot change what happened, but we can decide what we inherit from it. 

We can inherit the facts without inheriting the hatred. 

Perhaps that is the history of January 15 that Nigeria most needs to remember. 

Nworisa Michael, Department of History & International Studies Northwest University, Kano. Coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum. Writes from Nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

#TheNworisaDoctrine is a body of ideas centred on nation-building, civic responsibility, inclusive governance and African self-determination.

H.E Engr. Abba K. Yusuf ( Left), Mallam Tijjani Sarki ( Right)

By Editor

Your Excellency, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf,

Permit me to commend your administration for the constitution of the Political Advisory Committee and the Blueprint Review Committee. These initiatives demonstrate an important willingness to listen, review existing policies and create mechanisms through which governance can respond more effectively to the aspirations of the people.

However, Your Excellency, I respectfully believe that one critical pillar is still missing from this emerging advisory architecture, an Economic Advisory Council capable of providing independent, high-level economic intelligence to the government of Kano State.

This is not a call for another committee for the sake of creating a committee. It is a call for an institution that can help answer one of the most consequential questions facing Kano.

How do we transform Kano's enormous economic potential into sustainable wealth, productive employment and prosperity for its people?

Kano is more than a geographical entity. It is a historic commercial civilisation.

For centuries, its markets connected communities across northern Nigeria and the wider West African trading space. Its merchants built businesses across borders long before modern economic integration became fashionable. Its farmers, manufacturers, artisans and entrepreneurs have demonstrated remarkable resilience, often succeeding despite difficult economic conditions.

Yet today, millions of Kano citizens are struggling to translate their hard work into sustainable prosperity.

Our young people need jobs.

Our entrepreneurs need capital.

Our manufacturers need infrastructure.

Our farmers need markets and value chains.

Our traders need modern business systems.

Our investors need confidence.

And our government needs stronger economic intelligence to make decisions that can change the trajectory of the state.

This is why Kano needs an Economic Advisory Council.

Your Excellency, I propose that the council should bring together some of the finest economic, financial and investment minds associated with Kano—people whose records have taken them from Kano to Abuja, London, Washington, New York and other international centres of economic decision-making.

At the forefront, I respectfully propose His Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Emir of Kano, as Chairman of the Council.

His professional journey in economics, banking and financial regulation is exceptional. Before ascending the throne, he served as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, where he was associated with major financial-sector reforms during one of Nigeria's most difficult economic periods. His international exposure and understanding of monetary policy, banking, investment and economic development would bring considerable intellectual weight to such a council.

His position as Emir would also give the council a unique bridge between traditional institutions, business communities, government and the people.

I also respectfully suggest the inclusion of eminent Kano professionals such as Dr. Mansur Muhtar Sarkinbsn Kano, whose distinguished career has included senior responsibilities at the Central Bank of Nigeria, the World Bank and the African Development Bank, as well as service as Nigeria's Minister of Finance.

Another possible member is Dr. Shamsuddeen Usman, an accomplished economist and technocrat who served as Nigeria's Minister of Finance and Minister of National Planning, and whose career includes senior responsibilities at the Central Bank of Nigeria.

These are only examples. The council should undertake a wider search for Kano's economists, investment experts, bankers, industrialists, entrepreneurs, development specialists, financial strategists and international professionals with proven records of achievement.

The criterion should be simple:

Competence before politics.

Experience before title.

Integrity before influence.

Results before reputation.

The council should not become another body that produces reports that gather dust on government shelves.

It should be designed as an economic think tank and strategic advisory institution with a clear mandate to help Kano make better economic decisions.

Its responsibilities could include advising government on:

investment attraction and retention,

industrialisation and manufacturing,

revival of Kano's textile and garment industry,

agricultural commercialisation and agro-processing,

MSME development and access to finance,

taxation and internally generated revenue,

public-private partnerships,

infrastructure and investment financing,

regional trade and AfCFTA,

export development,

energy and renewable energy,

digital economy and innovation,

youth employment and entrepreneurship,

urban economic development,

public expenditure efficiency, and

strategies for making Kano a regional production and trading hub.

But beyond advice, the council should establish measurable economic targets.

Kano should know where it wants to be in five, ten and twenty years, and what must be done every year to get there.

Your Excellency, I strongly recommend that the council should not depend entirely on the existing machinery of government.

It should have a dedicated Secretariat, professionally structured and adequately resourced to coordinate its activities, conduct research, prepare economic briefs, monitor implementation and maintain continuous engagement with the private sector and development institutions.

The Secretariat should be headed by a Director-General, appointed on the basis of demonstrated competence in economics, finance, investment, public policy or development management.

The Director-General should serve as the operational link between the Council, the Governor's Office, Ministries, Departments and Agencies, the private sector, investors, academia and international development partners.

This structure would ensure that the council remains active between meetings and that its recommendations are converted into actionable programmes rather than remaining intellectual exercises.

I would further advocate the development of an annual Kano Economic Transformation Scorecard.

It should track issues that directly affect the lives of ordinary citizens:

How many jobs have been created?

How much private investment has entered Kano?

How many businesses have moved from informal to formal operations?

How much agricultural production has been commercialised?

How many industries have reopened or expanded?

How much has Kano exported?

How much have MSMEs grown?

How much new wealth has been created outside government employment?

These are the indicators that ultimately matter to the young graduate looking for work, the farmer seeking a market, the woman trying to expand her business and the entrepreneur struggling to keep his factory alive.

Your Excellency, Kano's economic transformation must not become synonymous with increasing government revenue alone.

A government can increase revenue while citizens remain poor.

The ultimate objective must be wealth creation.

We must build an economy where citizens do not merely survive from one day to another, but where businesses grow, workers earn decent incomes, farmers become commercially successful and young people can see a future for themselves without having to abandon Kano.

Our ambition should be to transform Kano from a state renowned primarily for consumption and commerce into a state renowned for production, manufacturing, innovation, exports and investment.

That is the economic transformation our people deserve.

Your Excellency, the proposed structure could become a powerful governance framework.

Political Advisory Committee, listening to political realities and the aspirations of citizens.

Blueprint Review Committee, reviewing policies, programmes and the administration's development blueprint.

Economic Advisory Council  providing high-level economic intelligence and strategies for wealth creation, investment and sustainable development.

Together, they would give your administration three essential perspectives:

What are the people saying?

What is government doing?

And where is the economy going?

That combination can strengthen governance considerably.

Behind every economic statistic is a human being.

There is a young Kano graduate who has completed university but cannot find employment.

There is a woman selling goods who wants to expand but cannot access affordable finance.

There is a farmer producing crops without adequate storage or a reliable market.

There is a manufacturer who wants to employ hundreds but is constrained by energy and infrastructure costs.

There is a trader whose business has survived for decades but has never had the opportunity to become a modern enterprise.

These are not statistics. They are our people.

Their hopes and frustrations should be at the centre of every economic conversation we have.

Your Excellency, administrations come and go, but institutions endure.

Roads will age. Buildings will require maintenance. Governments will change.

But if your administration helps establish a durable economic institution capable of continuously generating ideas, attracting investment and guiding Kano's economic policy, its impact could extend far beyond your tenure.

That would be a legacy not merely written in concrete, but written in the livelihoods of millions of Kano citizens.

Kano does not lack talent.

Kano does not lack entrepreneurs.

Kano does not lack markets.

Kano does not lack history.

What Kano needs is a deliberate economic architecture capable of bringing these strengths together.

Let it be courageous enough to recommend difficult reforms.

And, above all, let it remain focused on one overriding mission.

Your Excellency, Kano has waited long enough.

Te time has come not only to govern Kano, but to re-engineer its economic destiny.

Respectfully

Tijjani Sarki

Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst

Kano is a meeting point for people of different ethnic, cultural and regional backgrounds. Over the years, many of these communities have contributed to the social and economic life of the state and built relationships that continue to evolve. 

Perhaps, as our democracy and institutions mature, there is room to think more deliberately about how these relationships can be strengthened. 

One idea worth considering is the establishment of an Office of Inter-Community Relations and Social Cohesion within the Kano State Government. 

This is not a call to create another bureaucratic layer, nor is it an attempt to divide Kano along ethnic lines. Quite the opposite. The purpose would be to strengthen the bridges that already exist between communities and create platforms for dialogue where such bridges need reinforcement. 

Such an office could provide a structured channel through which government engages regularly with different ethnic, cultural and socio-community associations across the state. It could facilitate dialogue, identify emerging tensions before they escalate, support peaceful resolution of misunderstandings and provide government with better insight into issues affecting different communities. 

It could also work alongside civil society organisations, traditional institutions, youth groups, security agencies and relevant government ministries to promote integration, cultural understanding and peaceful coexistence. 

Most importantly, inter-community relations should not only become a government concern when there is already a crisis. 

Prevention is better than reaction. 

Imagine a structure where government regularly engages communities not because something has gone wrong, but because maintaining understanding and trust is itself a form of good governance. 

It could support cultural exchanges, encourage joint community initiatives, create opportunities for young people from different backgrounds to interact and help address stereotypes before they become sources of tension. 

Kano has demonstrated that people of different backgrounds can live, work and build together. Perhaps what is needed now is a more deliberate institutional effort to strengthen that reality. 

Such an office would not replace existing ministries, agencies, traditional institutions or community structures. It could instead serve as a coordinating bridge between them, ensuring that peaceful coexistence and social integration receive continuous attention rather than occasional attention. 

And perhaps the most important message would be this: 

Our diversity does not have to be a source of division. With the right institutions and deliberate engagement, it can become one of our greatest strengths. 

This is simply an idea for discussion, not a demand. 

As our democracy continues to evolve, perhaps there is value in exploring new ways of bringing government and communities closer together. 

Sometimes, good governance begins with simply creating a place where people can sit down, listen to one another and find common ground. 

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com

By Editor 

Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, has visited the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, as part of his engagements in Abuja following his victory in the August 15 governorship election.

Adeleke's visit to Wike came shortly after he met with President Bola Tinubu at the Presidential Villa in Abuja, where he presented his certificate of return and expressed appreciation for what he described as the President's commitment to allowing the electoral process to proceed without interference.

A photograph of Adeleke's meeting with Wike was shared on Thursday by Lere Olayinka, the minister's media aide, showing the two politicians exchanging pleasantries while holding the governor's certificate of return.

The meeting with Wike was one of the governor's engagements following his re-election in the Osun governorship poll.

Adeleke, who contested the election on the platform of the Accord Party, was declared winner by the Independent National Electoral Commission after securing 511,067 votes, defeating the All Progressives Congress candidate, Bola Oyebamiji, who polled 444,815 votes.

The governor recorded victories in 19 of Osun State's 30 local government areas.

Earlier at the Presidential Villa, Adeleke thanked President Tinubu for what he described as his role in allowing the election to take place freely.

Speaking with State House correspondents after the meeting, Adeleke described Tinubu as the "father of the nation" and said the President deserved commendation for respecting the democratic process.

He said his visit was primarily to express appreciation to the President and reinforce the importance of democratic governance in Nigeria.

Adeleke's series of meetings in Abuja come as he begins preparations for his next term in office following his declaration as winner of the governorship election.

If you walk through Sabon Gari in Kano today, it is easy to see it simply as one of the city's busiest commercial areas. Behind the shops, streets, churches, businesses and endless movement of people, however, is a story that goes back more than a century. It is a story about migration, opportunity and the making of a community and, perhaps surprisingly to many Nigerians today, it is also an important part of the history of the Igbo people in Kano. 

During the colonial period, Southern Nigerians began moving north in search of work, trade and business opportunities. Kano, already one of West Africa's great commercial centres, naturally attracted many of them. To accommodate these growing migrant communities, the colonial authorities developed what became known as Sabon Gari “new town” in Hausa. 

It is sometimes easy, looking back from today's Nigeria, to assume that Sabon Gari was simply created as an ethnic enclosure. The reality was more nuanced. The colonial administration was deliberately organising different parts of the growing city according to the roles, backgrounds and lifestyles of the people living in them. Sabon Gari was developed largely for migrants from Southern Nigeria who came to Kano for work, trade and other opportunities. 

In much the same manner, areas such as Nasarawa GRA were laid out to provide residential environments suited to European colonial officials and the lifestyle they were accustomed to back home in Europe spacious compounds, generous setbacks, gardens and an environment designed around their residential preferences. This is why, even today, one can notice the spacious compounds and garden-filled yards characteristic of some of the older parts of Nasarawa. 

So, the story of Sabon Gari should be understood within that larger colonial arrangement. There was certainly an element of colonial segregation in the way Kano was planned, but Sabon Gari was also a response to a very practical reality: people from different parts of colonial Nigeria were increasingly coming to Kano to work, trade and settle. And among those migrants, the Igbo would eventually become one of the largest and most influential communities. 

Initially, the Yoruba were more numerous among the Southern migrants in Sabon Gari. But after the Second World War, Igbo migration to Kano increased considerably. By the middle of the 1950s, historical research estimates that about 59 percent of Sabon Gari's population was Igbo, while the Yoruba accounted for about 24 percent. 

Think about what that means. A significant part of Kano's story was being written by people whose ancestral homes were thousands of kilometres away. These were not simply visitors passing through Kano. Many came to stay. Some came alone and later brought their families; others were born there. Their children attended school there, grew up there and knew Kano as home.  

The popular image is often that the Igbo came to northern cities simply to do business. Business was certainly important, but they were also railway workers, civil servants, employees of companies, artisans, professionals and entrepreneurs. Kano's growing economy provided opportunities, and many Igbo migrants established themselves firmly within the city's commercial and professional life. 

Sabon Gari became particularly important to this economic story. By the 1960s, its market had grown into one of Kano's significant commercial centres, and historical research describes it as an important centre of Igbo commercial activity. But perhaps the more interesting part of the story is what happened beyond the marketplace: they began building a community. 

The Igbo residents did not simply arrive in Kano and live as isolated individuals. They formed associations to look after one another. The Igbo Union had branches across Nigeria, including Kano, and its presence there became well established by the 1940s. These organisations helped newcomers settle, supported members during difficult times, assisted families during marriages and funerals, provided financial assistance and helped create a sense of community far from their ancestral homes. 

The community also invested in education. Before 1966, the Igbo community in Kano had established both a primary and secondary school for its children. This tells us something important about the nature of their settlement. They were not merely temporary traders passing through a northern city, they were putting down roots, raising families and building institutions that suggested they expected to remain part of Kano's future. 

Imagine a young Igbo man arriving in Kano several decades ago. He finds his way to Sabon Gari and meets people from his community. Perhaps someone helps him find accommodation or introduces him to a business opportunity. He starts small, maybe by opening a shop, working for the railway or finding employment with a company. Eventually, he brings his family. His children are born in Kano, attend school in Kano and grow up around Hausa neighbours and other Nigerians from different parts of the country. At some point, Kano stops being simply the place where their father came to make a living. It becomes home. 

By the 1960s, some of these migrants were already second-generation residents  people born and raised in Kano who had never known another home. 

Nigeria entered one of the darkest periods in its history. The January 1966 coup, the political crisis that followed, the counter-coup and the growing suspicion between Nigeria's regions created an atmosphere in which ethnicity became increasingly dangerous. The violence that followed in Northern Nigeria affected Igbo communities severely, and Kano was among the places where the violence was particularly devastating. 

The attacks reached Sabon Gari. People who had spent decades building businesses, friendships and families in Kano suddenly found themselves running for their lives. Some abandoned their shops, some left their homes, and some never returned. The population of Igbo residents in Sabon Gari fell dramatically in 1966, and during the Civil War many of those who remained were forced into hiding or disguise. 

It is one of those moments in Nigerian history that deserves to be remembered not simply through statistics, but through the human beings behind them. Imagine being born in Kano, growing up in Kano and building your entire livelihood in Kano and then being made to feel, by circumstances you did not create, that you were suddenly a stranger. 

The war ended, Nigeria remained one country, and gradually Igbo Nigerians began returning to Kano. They reopened businesses, rebuilt their lives and returned to the streets and markets they had once known. Sabon Gari once again became an important centre of Igbo life in Kano. 

Over the decades, the community expanded beyond Sabon Gari. Historical research from the 1990s records Igbo residents living in areas such as Brigade, Wudil, Bompai, Nassarawa, Naibawa and Gyadi-Gyadi, among others. The community was no longer confined to one part of the city, it had become part of Kano's wider social and economic landscape. 

Today, if you walk through Kano's commercial areas, you will still find Igbo Nigerians doing many of the things generations before them did trading, working, building businesses, raising families and contributing to the economy. You will find people whose parents came from the East, others who were born in Kano, and young Nigerians who may identify strongly with their Igbo heritage while also considering Kano home. 

That, perhaps, is the most fascinating part of this history. 

It reminds us that long before social media gave us hashtags like #NorthVsSouth, Nigerians were already moving across these geographical boundaries. A man from the East could build a business in Kano, a Yoruba could establish a home in Sabon Gari, a northerner could trade with both. People could speak different languages, worship differently, eat different foods and still participate in the same economy. 

Our history has certainly known conflict, but it has also known coexistence, commerce, friendship, migration and shared dreams. Perhaps that is something worth remembering today, because Nigeria was never built by one tribe. 

Kano was never built by only Kanawa. Lagos was never built by only Yorubas. Onitsha was never built by only Igbos. Our cities became what they are because Nigerians moved, traded, worked, married, learnt from one another and built together. 

Perhaps the Nigeria we need today is not one where everybody becomes the same. Perhaps it is one where an Igbo man can call Kano home, a Hausa man can find opportunity in Enugu, a Yoruba woman can build a life in Maiduguri, and none of them has to prove that they belong before being treated as Nigerian. 

We have lived this way before. Maybe we should remember how. 

This is Nigeria's history. And it belongs to all of us.

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

#TheNworisaDoctrine a body of ideas centred on nation-building, civic responsibility, inclusive governance and African self-determination.

Sheikh Yahaya Jingri

Religious card politics will come to an end when, this time, it is not merely the government that chooses to move beyond the politics of religious division, but citizens themselves who grow into a consciousness of what truly defines nationhood. The Peace of Westphalia in 1648 marked a major turning point in the evolution of sovereign states and the changing relationship between religious authority and political power. Perhaps Nigeria now needs a similar transformation not imposed from above, but demanded from below by citizens who have become conscious of their common nationhood.

I have followed the reactions from individuals and politicians to the Sheikh Jingri's statement. Interestingly, some of the politicians condemning these statements today are people who, when they held political power, led administrations that had little or no regard for the diversity that defines Nigeria. Yet, as is often typical of political discourse, they have quickly joined the chorus of condemnation against statements that, in one form or another, reflect the very tendencies they once institutionalised or tolerated tendencies that divide us as a people and continue to dwarf our progress towards genuine nationhood.

This is not to excuse anyone's divisive statement. Rather, it is a call for consistency. We cannot condemn the weaponisation of identity only when it is politically convenient and remain silent when the same identity politics serves our own interests.

Sheikh Jingri's statement is one of those expressions we should begin to reconsider as a society. On several occasions, whenever I have had the opportunity to speak on platforms discussing issues of national identity and diversity, I have drawn attention to the word "WAZOBIA." Some of us proudly use the word without considering what it actually communicates.

Have we ever stopped to ask what an Ogoni man in Rivers State feels when we attempt to define him through "Bia"? What does a Tiv person feel when we attach him to an identity that does not represent his history, culture or people? What about the many other ethnic groups whose identities are reduced to labels created from the names or expressions of three dominant groups?

We often say "WAZOBIA" with pride because we have come to associate it with Nigeria's diversity. But perhaps we should also ask whether celebrating diversity requires us to reduce the identities of those who do not fit within those three letters.

The truth is that we are all guilty in one way or another. Sometimes it is the politician who weaponises ethnicity. Sometimes it is the religious leader who turns difference into suspicion. Sometimes it is the ordinary citizen who repeats a stereotype without questioning it. And sometimes it is those of us who condemn identity politics in one context while participating in it in another.

Nationhood requires something greater from us.

Our diversity should not be something we merely tolerate. It should be something we understand, protect and transform into strength. Being Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Tiv, Ogoni, Kanuri, Ibibio, Ijaw, Fulani or any of the hundreds of identities that make up Nigeria should not make anyone more or less Nigerian.

The Nigerian identity should not demand that we surrender our ethnic or religious identities. Rather, it should provide a common national identity within which those identities can coexist with dignity.

When citizens begin to understand this, religious and ethnic identity will gradually lose its political value. A politician will find it increasingly difficult to weaponise religion when voters refuse to vote on the basis of religious fear. A religious leader will find it increasingly difficult to divide communities when believers themselves reject the manipulation of their faith for political purposes.

The same applies to ethnicity.

The day Nigerians begin to see diversity not as a barrier to nationhood but as one of the greatest strengths upon which nationhood can be built, it will become increasingly irrelevant for any politician, religious leader or public figure to weaponise our differences for influence.

Perhaps the real revolution Nigeria needs is not simply a change of government. It is a change in consciousness.

We must reach a point where our political choices are determined less by the religion of the candidate and more by the quality of their character, competence, vision and commitment to the Nigerian state. We must reach a point where a Christian can confidently vote for a Muslim without being accused of betraying his faith, and a Muslim can support a Christian without being told that he has abandoned his religion.

That is when religion will begin to return to where it belongs: as a matter of conscience and faith rather than a political weapon.

Perhaps, then, the next great milestone in Nigeria's journey toward nationhood will not be another constitutional amendment, another political arrangement or another agreement among political elites. It may simply be the moment when ordinary Nigerians collectively decide that our differences will no longer be allowed to determine how we see one another.

Nationhood will not be handed to us by politicians. We must grow into it as citizens.

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

#TheNworisaDoctrine a body of ideas centred on nation-building, civic responsibility, inclusive governance and African self-determination.

By Editor

Fresh details have emerged suggesting that no registered political party, including the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), met the Independent National Electoral Commission's (INEC) original July 11 deadline for uploading the names of candidates for the 2027 presidential and National Assembly elections.

According to multiple sources within the electoral commission, the July 11 deadline was missed by all political parties before INEC eventually extended the submission period to July 14 following appeals from political stakeholders.

One source familiar with the process disclosed that more than 70 per cent of the APC's candidates had not been uploaded as of the initial deadline, contrary to the party's earlier claim that it had fully complied.

The source further alleged that INEC had to make special administrative adjustments to accommodate the delayed submissions from political parties.

"As of the July 11 deadline, before the extension to July 14, over 70 per cent of APC candidates had not been uploaded. No political party met the deadline. The commission had to bend backwards to accommodate them," the source said.

The revelation appears to contradict a statement issued by the APC on July 12, in which the party announced that it had successfully submitted the names of its candidates before the deadline despite managing what it described as the largest number of candidates among all political parties.

At the time, APC spokesman Felix Morka had argued that INEC only extended the deadline because opposition parties failed to complete their internal nomination processes within the stipulated period.

INEC, however, later confirmed that the extension followed an appeal by the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC), which requested additional time on behalf of political parties that were unable to complete the upload of candidates' names and personal particulars.

The announcement was contained in a statement by INEC National Commissioner and Chairman of the Information and Voter Education Committee, Mohammed Kudu Haruna, who said the extension was made in line with the commission's powers under the revised timetable for the 2027 general election.

Following the extension, the APC criticised opposition parties, accusing them of lacking the organisational capacity required to manage their internal affairs.

The party also described it as ironic that opposition parties, which had previously accused the APC of influencing INEC's decisions, later sought the commission's intervention after failing to meet the deadline.

However, the fresh account from INEC sources suggests the extension was not granted solely because of opposition parties, but because the delay affected virtually all registered political parties, including the APC.

Internal disputes trail APC nomination process

Meanwhile, the ruling party is also facing internal disagreements over its candidate selection process in some parts of the country.

In Benue State, aggrieved APC members and aspirants from the Apa State Constituency staged a protest at the party's national secretariat, alleging attempts to impose a preferred candidate ahead of the primary election.

The protesters called on the APC National Working Committee (NWC) to intervene, insisting that candidates should emerge through transparent and credible primaries rather than what they described as imposition.

One of the protesters, who identified himself simply as Godwin O., alleged that genuine aspirants were being denied a level playing field through plans to issue a "same-day ticket" to a favoured candidate.

According to him, such actions could weaken the party's unity and electoral prospects if left unresolved.

The protesters also criticised a party leader, Sonny Echono, alleging that he had little involvement in grassroots party activities and arguing that candidates should be chosen based on loyalty, service and acceptance among party members.

As of the time of filing this report, the APC leadership had not issued an official response to the allegations, while the claims by the protesters had not been independently verified.

Every announcement from the Kano State Executive Council is now greeted by a familiar chorus from some quarters of the opposition. Once the word "approved" appears, social media erupts with ridicule. To them, every approval is another opportunity for mockery, another reason to dismiss the administration as one that only "approves" but does nothing. 

Political criticism is not only legitimate; it is indispensable in any democracy. Governments should never be shielded from scrutiny. They must answer difficult questions, defend their priorities and account for the trust reposed in them by the people. 

But there is an important distinction between objective criticism and blanket ridicule. 

Somewhere along the line, we seem to have forgotten that governance is a process. Roads are not built before they are approved. Schools are not constructed before funds are approved. Hospitals are not commissioned before contracts are approved. Committees are not inaugurated before government first identifies a problem, consults relevant stakeholders and approves a framework for addressing it. 

Approval is not the destination; it is the beginning of the journey. 

This is why I find the current trend deeply troubling. Citizens are right to demand implementation. They are right to ask whether approved projects are completed on time. They are right to question abandoned projects, delayed execution and wasteful spending. 

That is accountability. 

But to ridicule every approval simply because it is an approval is to ridicule the very process through which responsible governance is carried out. 

Should a government confronted with the menace of drug abuse refuse to establish a task force because someone may laugh at the approval? 

Should it ignore the challenge of the Almajiri system because constituting a reform committee might become the next social media joke? 

Should it avoid assembling experts to tackle complex societal problems simply to escape political ridicule? Surely not. 

In recent months, the Kano State Government has constituted strategic committees and approved interventions on issues ranging from drug abuse and youth rehabilitation to media policy and the Almajiri reform programme. These are not ribbon-cutting projects designed for instant applause. They are institutional responses to deep-rooted challenges that require planning, consultation and coordination. 

Whether these initiatives eventually succeed is a legitimate subject for public evaluation. But the decision to plan, consult and organise competent minds around pressing problems should never become an object of ridicule. 

Indeed, a government that refuses to plan is a government preparing to fail. 

Ironically, many of the same people who mock approvals today will tomorrow accuse government of acting without consultation if those approvals were never made. 

That contradiction exposes the weakness in this style of opposition politics. 

Opposition is one of democracy's greatest safeguards. It exists to question authority, expose shortcomings, challenge complacency and present better alternatives. A vibrant opposition strengthens governance because it compels those in power to perform. 

However, opposition loses credibility when it abandons objective criticism for blanket ridicule. 

The responsibility of an opposition is not simply to oppose. It is to persuade. It is not merely to mock government but to improve governance through reasoned criticism. The moment analysis gives way to sarcasm, and evidence is replaced by slogans, public discourse suffers. 

The people deserve better than political entertainment masquerading as accountability. 

Another criticism frequently advanced is that H.E Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf does not communicate enough with the public. Every citizen has the right to desire greater direct engagement from elected leaders, and public communication remains an essential ingredient of democratic governance. 

Yet fairness equally demands that we acknowledge realities where they exist. 

H.E Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf's style may not revolve around constant personal social media appearances, but that should not be mistaken for silence. Those who follow governance closely know that the administration monitors public opinion and has, on several occasions, responded to issues raised by citizens. 

More significantly, since assuming office, the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, has institutionalised a more consistent communication culture by regularly briefing the public on the resolutions of Executive Council meetings. Decisions, approvals and policy directions are routinely communicated through official channels. Beyond that, the Commissioner has sustained engagements with journalists, media organisations, editors, publishers, civil society organisations and communication stakeholders within and outside Kano State. 

That consistency deserves recognition, irrespective of political affiliation. 

This should not be interpreted as suggesting that the administration is beyond criticism. No government is. 

Projects that remain abandoned should be questioned.  Delayed implementation should be questioned. 

Poor policies should be questioned. 

Wasteful expenditure should be questioned. 

Even public officials whose conduct falls below the ethical standards expected of public service should be held accountable. 

That is democracy. But democracy also demands intellectual honesty. 

There is a world of difference between saying, "This project was approved but has not been implemented," and dismissing governance altogether because another approval has been announced. 

The first strengthens accountability. The second weakens public understanding. 

History reminds us that every great achievement begins with preparation. Every flyover easing traffic today was once an approval. Every hospital saving lives today was once an approval. Every school shaping young minds today was once an approval. Every policy that transformed a society was first discussed, debated and approved before implementation began. 

Planning has never been the enemy of development. Failure to implement is. 

As citizens, we should never lower the standard of our political conversations. Let us demand results. Let us insist on transparency. Let us hold every government accountable. Let us measure promises against performance. 

But let us never ridicule planning itself. 

For the day a society begins to mock preparation is the day it unknowingly begins to undermine the very foundation upon which development is built. 

Nigeria does not need an opposition that applauds government, nor does it need a government that fears criticism. It needs citizens mature enough to distinguish between planning and performance, between approval and execution, between propaganda and principle. 

Governments should ultimately be judged by what they deliver. 

But they should never be condemned for taking the constitutional and administrative steps required to deliver it. 

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com

About The Nworisa Doctrine

The Nworisa Doctrine is a growing body of ideas centred on nation-building, civic responsibility, inclusive governance, institutional integrity and African self-determination. It is founded on the belief that lasting national transformation depends not on louder politics, but on stronger institutions, informed citizens and leaders whose principles are greater than their ambitions.

#TheNworisaDoctrine

By Editor 

A Nigerian healthcare professional, Dr. Zainab Suleiman Buhari, has issued a passionate appeal to expectant mothers, warning against the growing reliance on unverified home remedies, herbal mixtures and social media advice during pregnancy, saying such practices may contribute to avoidable stillbirths and maternal complications.

In a public message titled "She Was Kicking Minutes Ago," shared via her Facebook page the doctor recounted a recent experience in a hospital ward where a woman, who had arrived at 38 weeks of pregnancy with a seemingly healthy baby, tragically lost the child shortly before delivery.

According to her, the grieving husband repeatedly asked, "Mama was fine this morning. She was kicking. What happened?"—a question she described as a painful reminder of the silent tragedies occurring in maternity wards.

Dr. Buhari argued that many pregnant women are increasingly turning to advice from social media platforms, family members and traditional remedies in an attempt to induce or ease labour, often without medical supervision.

She warned that taking herbal concoctions, labour-inducing teas, roots or unapproved medications could overstimulate the uterus, causing contractions that are too strong and too frequent, a condition known medically as uterine hyperstimulation. According to her, this may reduce the baby's oxygen supply, increase the risk of placental complications and, in severe cases, result in stillbirth.

The doctor also cautioned that excessive stimulation before delivery may weaken the uterus, increasing the risk of heavy bleeding after childbirth, retained placenta and other life-threatening complications for mothers.

Beyond the use of unapproved substances, she highlighted other practices that could place pregnancies at risk, including skipping antenatal care (ANC), sleeping flat on the back during late pregnancy, hiding symptoms from healthcare workers and relying on internet advice instead of medical professionals.

Dr. Buhari stressed that reduced fetal movement, bleeding, severe headaches, swelling or the breaking of the water before labour should never be ignored or treated with online advice alone, urging expectant mothers to seek immediate medical attention.

She emphasized that antenatal care remains one of the most effective ways to detect complications early, noting that healthcare workers are better equipped to assess each pregnancy based on medical history, blood pressure, ultrasound findings and fetal growth.

As part of her recommendations, she advised pregnant women to register early for antenatal care, attend clinic appointments consistently, monitor their baby's movements from the third trimester, sleep on their left side where possible, avoid taking any labour-inducing substance without medical approval, and report to hospital promptly when labour begins or when warning signs appear.

While acknowledging the fears, pressures and anxiety many expectant mothers experience, Dr. Buhari appealed for greater trust in trained healthcare providers rather than unverified advice circulating online or through informal networks.

She concluded by urging families and communities to support pregnant women in seeking professional medical care, emphasizing that many pregnancy-related deaths and stillbirths can be prevented through timely intervention and adherence to established maternal healthcare guidelines.

The doctor's message has resonated widely on social media, sparking renewed conversations about maternal health, antenatal care and the need for stronger public awareness on safe pregnancy practices.

KANO, Nigeria 

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The company is also the proud operator of Nworisa Michael's Blog, an independent digital news platform committed to credible journalism, public affairs reporting and community development stories.

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By Editor

A political group formerly known as the Kwankwasiyya–Shekarau Unity Forum has announced a major rebranding, dropping the Kwankwasiyya identity and adopting the new name "Abba Gida-Gida–Shekarau Unity Forum" as it declared total support for Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The announcement was made on Monday during a solidarity visit by members of the forum to the Kano State Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, at his office.

Speaking during the visit, the forum's Chairman, Alhaji Ahmed Saminu (DOC), said the decision marked a new political direction for the group, explaining that members had resolved to identify directly with Governor Yusuf's leadership and development agenda.

According to him, the forum was originally formed after the 2023 merger of APC and PDP political structures to strengthen the Kwankwasiyya movement during the elections.

He recalled that although their political leader, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, later exited the movement, members of the forum remained loyal but were allegedly sidelined despite their contributions.

Saminu, however, credited Commissioner Waiya with reconnecting the group to the state government, saying the renewed relationship inspired members to adopt a new identity centred on Governor Yusuf.

He said the forum's decision was informed by what it described as the administration's achievements in education, healthcare, security, youth and women empowerment, road infrastructure and other development projects, insisting that the governor deserved another term in office.

Receiving the delegation, Commissioner Waiya commended the group for what he described as a courageous political decision and reaffirmed the government's commitment to inclusive leadership.

He said their endorsement reflected confidence in Governor Yusuf's administration and its efforts to deliver democratic dividends across Kano State.

Waiya maintained that criticisms against the governor would not distract the administration from pursuing its developmental agenda and assured members that the government would continue to work with the forum ahead of the 2027 elections.

The commissioner also received members of the Trusted Youth Awareness for Abubakar Kabir Abubakar Bichi, who similarly pledged support for Governor Yusuf's second-term bid.

Speaking on behalf of the delegation, the group's chairman, Farouk Muhammad Dangora, praised the governor for approving the payment of outstanding entitlements to former councillors and cited ongoing development projects as justification for another term.

The group also requested Commissioner Waiya to serve as its Grand Patron while seeking closer collaboration with the Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs to promote the administration's programmes.

In his response, Waiya described Abubakar Kabir Abubakar Bichi as a committed leader dedicated to Kano's development and pledged the ministry's continued partnership with groups promoting the government's policies and programmes.

The dual endorsements add to growing political mobilization around Governor Yusuf as political alignments begin to take shape ahead of the 2027 general elections.

By Editor 

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has announced the commencement of its 2026 recruitment exercise, inviting suitably qualified Nigerians to apply for various entry-level positions across the Commission.

According to a recruitment notice obtained by Nworisa Michael's Blog, the exercise is aimed at strengthening the Commission's institutional capacity in electoral administration, voter registration, election logistics, data management and other critical electoral operations.

The recruitment covers vacancies on Grade Levels 07, 08, 09, 10 and 12 under three categories.

For the Professional Cadre (Grade Levels 09, 10 and 12), INEC is seeking qualified professionals, including lawyers, clinical officers, IT officers, engineers, accountants and other specialists. Applicants are required to possess a Bachelor's degree and relevant postgraduate qualifications where applicable, professional certifications, NYSC discharge or exemption certificate, as well as demonstrated competence in their respective fields.

Applications are also open for the position of Administrative Officer II (Registration Area Officer) on Grade Level 08. Eligible candidates must possess a Bachelor's Degree, Higher National Diploma (HND) or equivalent qualification in Social Sciences, Humanities or Sciences, alongside good communication, organizational and ICT skills.

For the position of Executive Officer (Assistant Registration Area Officer) on Grade Level 07, applicants are expected to possess a Nigeria Certificate in Education (NCE) or an equivalent qualification from a recognized institution, in addition to basic computer knowledge and strong organizational abilities.

INEC stated that applicants must be Nigerian citizens by birth or descent, possess a valid Certificate of State of Origin duly signed by the Chairman or Secretary of their Local Government, be medically fit, demonstrate good character, and must not be above 35 years of age at the time of application. Candidates must also be willing to serve in any part of the country where assigned.

The Commission emphasized that all applications must be submitted online through its official recruitment portal. Interested applicants are required to visit:

CLICK HERE TO START APPLICATION

Applicants are expected to click on the "Vacancies" section, complete the appropriate application form, upload all required credentials and submit their applications electronically.

INEC stressed that the recruitment exercise is completely free of charge, warning applicants against paying money to any individual or organization claiming to facilitate employment into the Commission.

The Commission further cautioned that multiple applications will result in automatic disqualification, while submission of false information or forged documents may lead to prosecution.

According to the notice, the application window will open on Monday, July 20, 2026, and close on Monday, July 27, 2026.

For further information, applicants are advised to visit the Commission's official website:

https://www.inecnigeria.org

By Editor

The Kano State Government has officially opened applications for the Abba Kabir Yusuf Youth Empowerment Programme in Entrepreneurship (AKY YEPE), a major skills acquisition and empowerment initiative aimed at equipping young people with practical vocational skills and supporting them to become self-reliant.

According to information obtained by Nworisa Michael's Blog, the programme is being implemented under the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf as part of the state's "Kano First" agenda to reduce unemployment, encourage entrepreneurship and stimulate grassroots economic development.

The initiative will provide fully funded professional training for successful applicants at accredited entrepreneurship institutes across Kano State. Upon completion of the programme, beneficiaries will also receive empowerment support to enable them establish their own businesses and become economically independent.

The training will be conducted through the state's 26 revitalised Entrepreneurship Institutes, which have been equipped to offer specialized training in high-demand sectors, including technical trades, agriculture, digital technology, creative industries and other vocational fields.

The programme is targeted at Kano State residents between the ages of 18 and 35 years, adding that the application process is completely free of charge.

The notice noted that Youth Empowerment Programme in Entrepreneurship (YEPE) covers the full cost of participants' training at accredited institutes and provides post-training empowerment packages to help graduates stand on their own after completing the programme.

The government described the initiative as part of its broader commitment to empowering youths and women with marketable skills capable of creating sustainable livelihoods and boosting economic productivity across the state.

Interested and eligible applicants have been encouraged to submit their applications through the official registration portal:

CLICK HERE TO START APPLICATION

By Editor 

The Federal Government has filed terrorism-related charges against three men accused of participating in the abduction of schoolchildren and teachers in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State.

The suspects, identified as Abdulrazak Umar (also known as Abu Khalifa or Abu Khalid), Yunusa Musa (also known as Yunusa bin Musa), and Shamsu Adamu Sani (also known as Abu Itisar), are facing a 10-count charge bordering on terrorism, kidnapping, concealment of information, incitement, and illegal mining.

According to court documents filed on Friday, the three defendants, all natives of Suleja Local Government Area of Niger State, allegedly conspired with Muhammad Sani, Jibril Mohammed, and Ibrahim Khabab between January and May 2026 to carry out the abduction of pupils and teachers in Oyo State.

The Federal Government said the alleged offences contravene Section 26(1) of the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

Prosecutors further alleged that the suspects aided the kidnapping operation and deliberately concealed information regarding the identities and activities of those said to have masterminded the attack, contrary to Sections 26(2) and 16(1) of the Act.

The charge also accuses the three men of professing membership of Darul Salam, which the government described as an affiliate of Jama'atu Ansarul Muslimina Fi Biladis Sudan (Ansaru), a proscribed terrorist organisation in Nigeria. The alleged offence was said to have occurred on or about June 2, 2026, in violation of Section 25(1) of the Terrorism Act.

In addition, the first defendant, Abdulrazak Umar, was specifically accused of providing training and operational instructions to terrorist members, as well as using a WhatsApp group titled "The Oneness of Allah is the Foundation of Peace" to incite acts of terrorism.

The prosecution said the allegation violates Sections 15 and 2(2)(g) of the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, as well as Section 18 of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act, 2015..

By Editor 

The Kano State Government has constituted an Advisory Committee on Almajiri Education and Welfare Reform, in what appears to be a significant step toward developing policies aimed at transforming the traditional Almajiri system while preserving its religious and cultural heritage. 

A letter of appointment dated July 8, 2026, obtained exclusively by Nworisa Michael's Blog, shows that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf approved the establishment of the committee as part of efforts to address the socio-educational challenges associated with the Almajiri system. 

The document confirms the appointment of Haj. Aisha Haruna Kabuga, a National Council of Child Rights Advocate, as one of the members of the newly constituted advisory committee. 

According to the appointment letter, the committee has been mandated to develop strategies that will improve the welfare, literacy and future opportunities of Almajiri children while safeguarding the religious and cultural values that underpin the traditional Qur'anic education system. 

As part of its mandate, the committee is expected to pursue a three-pronged reform agenda. Its responsibilities include ensuring that policy recommendations respect the traditions of local communities and Qur'anic teachers (Mallams), developing a unified curriculum that integrates formal education, literacy, numeracy and vocational skills into the existing Qur'anic education system without compromising its spiritual objectives, and proposing sustainable welfare models to enhance the protection, health and dignity of children within the Almajiri system. 

The government noted that members of the committee were carefully selected based on their expertise, professional experience and deep understanding of the socio-cultural and religious dynamics of Kano State, expressing confidence that their contributions would help deliver a balanced and sustainable reform process. 

The initiative is expected to equip Almajiri children with skills needed to thrive in today's society while preserving the core values of the traditional educational system.

The establishment of the advisory committee signals the Kano State Government's latest effort to address the long-standing challenges associated with the Almajiri system through a policy-driven approach that seeks to balance educational reform with cultural and religious sensitivity.

By Editor 

The recent death of Mary Habila at the residence of the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, has reignited public calls for a fresh investigation into the unresolved disappearance of five engineers who went missing in Ebonyi State in 2021.

The renewed appeal was made by social commentator Charles Ogbu in a detailed post shared on his Facebook page, where he revisited the circumstances surrounding the disappearance of the engineers, popularly referred to as the "NELAN Five," and urged authorities to reopen the case.

According to Ogbu, the renewed attention is not intended to link the two incidents directly but to remind Nigerians that several unanswered questions surrounding the disappearance of the engineers remain unresolved nearly five years later.

The five missing engineers Engr. Nelson Onyemeh, Engr. Ernest Edeani, Engr. Ikechukwu Ejiofor, Engr. Samuel Aneke, and Engr. Stanley Nwazulum were employees of NELAN Consulting Limited, an Enugu-based engineering consultancy engaged by the African Development Bank (AfDB) to supervise the construction of the Abakaliki Ring Road project during Umahi's tenure as Governor of Ebonyi State.

Ogbu alleged that tensions developed between the consulting firm and the Ebonyi State Government after the engineers reportedly refused to approve project certificates they believed violated AfDB supervision guidelines. According to the account, the disagreement centred on issues relating to project control, certification and payment approvals.

On November 3, 2021, the five engineers reportedly travelled from Enugu to Ebonyi State in an official company vehicle for project supervision but never returned. Their whereabouts have remained unknown ever since.

The Ebonyi State Government at the time attributed the disappearance to suspected kidnappers operating within the Effium and Ezza-Effium communal crisis area and announced that security agencies had commenced search operations.

However, Ogbu noted that then-Governor Umahi later publicly stated that the engineers had been killed and buried in the bush by suspected Ezza militia members, despite investigations by security agencies still being ongoing.

According to him, the families of the missing engineers rejected that explanation, insisting that their loved ones were specifically targeted because of professional disagreements connected to the road project rather than becoming victims of communal violence.

He further stated that although security agencies later presented skeletal remains believed to belong to the missing engineers, independent DNA tests commissioned by their families reportedly failed to establish any match. Ogbu said the results allegedly showed that one of the remains belonged to a female, further deepening the families' concerns over the official narrative.

The Facebook post also referenced allegations made by the families that phone tracking linked a suspected kidnapper to individuals allegedly connected with the road project. Those individuals have denied any wrongdoing, and no court has established the allegations as fact.

Ogbu further highlighted concerns raised by the families over the conduct of the investigation, including the reported removal of a key investigator, the continuation of court proceedings without recovering the victims' bodies, and the alleged impersonation of representatives of NELAN at project meetings after the engineers disappeared.

Since 2021, the families have consistently maintained that the engineers disappeared while carrying out legitimate official duties and have continued to demand an independent federal investigation into the case.

Their campaign has included petitions to President Bola Tinubu, the National Assembly, the National Human Rights Commission, and several security agencies. In March 2026, they also staged a protest at the Federal Ministry of Works in Abuja, demanding justice and accountability.

According to Ogbu, legal representatives for the families have recently obtained Certified True Copies of court proceedings in the matter and petitioned the National Judicial Council (NJC), the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), and other relevant bodies, alleging irregularities in the handling of the case.

The criminal proceedings involving six defendants charged over the disappearance remain before the Ebonyi State High Court. Court records indicate that the matter has experienced repeated adjournments and delays, while the families continue to insist that justice cannot be served until the fate of the missing engineers is conclusively established.

Neither the Minister of Works, David Umahi, nor other individuals mentioned in Ogbu's account have publicly responded to the renewed claims contained in the Facebook post. The allegations also remain unproven in court.

With fresh public attention following the recent incident at the minister's residence, the renewed appeal has once again brought the unresolved disappearance of the NELAN Five back into national focus, as their families continue to call for an independent investigation capable of uncovering what truly happened to the engineers.

By Editor 

The Kano Development Forum (KDF) has commended the Kano State Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Hon. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, for what it described as his outstanding role in advancing the "Kano First" agenda through effective government communication and public engagement.

In a press statement dated July 14 and signed by its State Coordinator, Dr. T.A. Ibrahim, the forum said Waiya has become a driving force behind the communication of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf's developmental strides, ensuring that the administration's achievements are clearly conveyed to citizens across the state.

The statement, titled "Kano First Agenda, a Brain Child of Waiya's Legacy," described the commissioner as a passionate advocate of the "Kano First" philosophy, noting that his communication strategy has helped showcase the government's accomplishments in infrastructure, education, healthcare and security.

According to the forum, Waiya's commitment to transparency and proactive public engagement has strengthened trust between the government and the people, while positioning Kano as a model of accountable governance.

The KDF further stated that by consistently amplifying the administration's people-centred policies, the commissioner has not only kept residents informed but also encouraged greater civic participation and renewed public confidence in government programmes.

It added that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf's vision for a prosperous and united Kano continues to gain momentum, with Waiya's communication efforts serving as a vital component of the administration's success.

The forum described the commissioner's contributions as a reflection of purposeful leadership, effective communication and unwavering dedication to the "Kano First" agenda, expressing confidence that his efforts would continue to strengthen the relationship between the government and the people of Kano State.