Saturday, 3rd Oct; 2026

By Editor 

“Japa” has become one of the most popular words among young Nigerians. For many, it represents hope the hope of finding a better job, earning more money and building a more comfortable life somewhere outside Nigeria. 

But what if there is another side to the japa story that we rarely talk about? 

At a recent three-day capacity-building training on safe migration and economic empowerment under the ROOTS programme, stakeholders were reminded that migration itself is not the problem. The real danger is irregular migration travelling without the right documentation, relying on fraudulent agents or embarking on dangerous journeys without understanding the laws and realities of the destination country. 

And this is where the conversation about japa needs to become more honest. 

Some young people sell property, borrow heavily or spend their entire savings to finance a journey abroad, believing that once they arrive, life will automatically become easier. But money does not grow on trees abroad. You still have to work, adapt, obey the law and compete for opportunities. 

For some undocumented migrants, the reality can include exploitation, detention, deportation, trauma and, in the most tragic cases, loss of life. 

This does not mean Nigerians should not migrate. Migration can open doors, provide new experiences and create opportunities. But if we must travel, we should travel with information, documentation and a realistic understanding of what awaits us. 

Perhaps the biggest lesson from the ROOTS programme is that telling young people not to “japa” is not enough. We must also create reasons for them to believe that they can build meaningful lives at home. That means skills, jobs, access to finance and opportunities that allow young Nigerians to turn their energy into something productive. 

So before selling everything for that journey abroad, perhaps ask one more question: 

Am I running towards an opportunity, or simply running away from my reality? 

You see sometimes, the difference between a dream and a disaster is simply having the right information.

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum-ICSF and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

Monday, 28th Sep; 2026

By Editor 

Justice Inyang Edem Ekwo of the Federal High Court in Abuja has fixed November 19, 2026, for judgment in a suit challenging the emergence of former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello as the All Progressives Congress (APC) senatorial candidate for Kogi Central.

The judge fixed the date on Monday after lawyers representing the parties adopted their final written addresses and concluded their arguments before the court.

The suit was filed by Momoh Yusuf Obaro, an aspirant in the APC primary election for the Kogi Central Senatorial District. Obaro sued the APC, Bello and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), claiming that he won the primary election conducted by the party on May 18.

The plaintiff is asking the court to declare him the authentic winner of the primary and order the APC to forward his name to INEC as its candidate for the senatorial election.

Obaro is also seeking an order directing INEC to recognise and register him as the APC candidate and publish his candidacy in accordance with the law.

Bello, however, rejected the claims and maintained that he won the primary with 72,399 votes.

According to the former governor, Ibrahim Yakubu Adoke came second with 319 votes, while Obaro polled 188 votes.

Bello urged the court to dismiss the suit, describing the case as lacking merit.

Following the adoption of final arguments by counsel to the parties, Justice Ekwo adjourned the matter until November 19 for judgment.

By Editor 

As a student of International Studies, I have been watching the renewed conversation around Africa's representation on the United Nations Security Council with particular interest. It is encouraging to see African leaders once again pressing for permanent representation, but I find myself asking a question that goes beyond simply obtaining a seat: 

If Africa eventually gets a permanent seat, will it actually have the power to influence global decisions, or will it merely occupy a seat at the table? 

At the 81st United Nations General Assembly, Nigeria renewed the call for at least two permanent seats for Africa, with the veto power for as long as the veto continues to exist, alongside five non-permanent seats. This reflects the African Union's longstanding position under the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. 

For me, this is not simply about Africa being represented. It is about whether the institutions governing international peace and security can evolve with the world they are supposed to represent. 

The United Nations Security Council was created in 1945, in a world emerging from the Second World War. Its permanent membership reflected the distribution of power at that particular historical moment. More than eight decades later, Africa has no permanent seat, despite being a continent of 54 countries and despite African conflicts and security issues occupying a significant portion of the Council's agenda. 

This makes the African demand difficult to dismiss as merely symbolic. 

But representation alone may not be enough. 

A permanent African seat without the same institutional privileges as existing permanent members could create another form of inequality. This is why the African position insists that if the veto remains, any new African permanent members should have the same prerogatives. The African model also calls for a larger Council and greater transparency and accountability in its working methods. 

This brings me to a broader historical question. 

Could meaningful reform of the Security Council become another major turning point in the evolution of global politics? 

In International Studies, we often look at 1989 as a significant turning point. The collapse of the Cold War order transformed the ideological and strategic structure of international politics. But perhaps the next major transformation may not necessarily come from the collapse of a superpower rivalry. It could come from the gradual transformation of the institutions through which global power is exercised. 

Perhaps the question of our time is therefore not simply who has power, but who gets to participate in making the rules that govern power. 

Africa's demand could become part of that evolution. 

However, I also believe Africa must look inward. A stronger African voice at the Security Council would require African countries to coordinate effectively, identify common interests and develop the diplomatic capacity to negotiate as a serious collective actor. A seat would provide an opportunity, but the ability to use that opportunity would depend on what Africa brings to the table. 

So, as a student of International Studies, I find myself asking: 

Are we witnessing the beginning of another stage in the evolution of the international system, or are we simply witnessing an attempt to correct an old imbalance within an otherwise unchanged system? 

I do not think we can answer that yet. 

But perhaps history will eventually look back at this period in the same way we look back at other moments of international transformatio not because Africa was finally given a seat, but because the meaning of who has a voice in global governance may have begun to change. 

For Africa, therefore, the goal should not merely be to sit at the table. 

It should be to ensure that, when Africa finally takes its seat, its presence matters.

Nworisa Michael is a student of International Studies, Northwest University Kano. Writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

By Editor

In every government, there are those who occupy offices, and then there are those who carry the burden of the office on their shoulders. In the cabinet of His Excellency, Gov. Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State, one name stands out for service, humility, and relentless dedication Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya

If loyalty is currency in governance, then Waiya is rich. If hard work is the measure of impact, then Waiya is unequal.  

A Listening Ear at All Times  

Politics in Kano is noisy. Everyone has a complaint, a request, a grievance. What sets Comrade Waiya apart is his open door. Youths, students, women groups, party stakeholders, and even critics know they can meet him and be heard. He doesn’t just listen to respond. He listens to solve. That listening ear has doused many tensions and turned frustration into hope for many Kano people who felt forgotten.

Kindness as a Style of Leadership  

In an era where power often makes people arrogant, Waiya has chosen kindness. He treats the least party member with the same respect he gives to political heavyweights. His kindness is not weakness. It is strategy. It is what builds followership, and followership is what wins elections. The streets, campuses, and wards remember a leader who remembers their names.

A Dogged Fighter for the Administration

Governance is a fight a fight against misinformation, sabotage, and distractions. Comrade Waiya has proven to be a dogged fighter for the Abba Administration. He goes into the field, engages the people, defends policies, and explains the “why” behind government decisions. He does not wait in the office for problems to come. He goes to where the problems are.

Working Day and Night for Abba’s Success  

The truth must be said: the smooth running of the Abba K. Yusuf administration owes a lot to people who work behind the scenes. Waiya is one of them. From coordinating party structures to interfacing with stakeholders, from early morning meetings to late-night strategy sessions, his work rate is unmatched. His focus is clear — to ensure this administration delivers on its promises and that the foundation is solid for 2027 election success

Why He Matters for 2027  

Elections are not won on radio alone. They are won by trust, by structure, and by people who can mobilize. Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya is building that structure today. By keeping the youth engaged, keeping the party united, and keeping the message of the APC/ Kano First Agenda movement alive in every corner of Kano, he is laying the groundwork for victory.

Gov. Abba K. Yusuf is blessed to have such a lieutenant. Kano is blessed to have such a servant-leader.

Comrade Waiya is not just a commissioner or aide. He is a bridge between government and the people. He is unequal among his peers not because he seeks titles, but because he seeks results.

As we move toward 2027, Kano needs more hands like his. Hands that listen. Hands that serve. Hands that fight and work day and night.

May Allah continue to strengthen him.

Comrade Abubakar Sa’ad 

Seasoned Political Activist

Saturday, 19th Sep; 2026

By Editor 

Your Excellency, 

I write to respectfully draw your attention to an opportunity that I believe Kano State should begin to approach not only as a transportation intervention, but also as a major youth empowerment and employment opportunity. 

The future of transportation in Nigeria is changing. With the rising cost of PMS and the Federal Government's growing investment in Compressed Natural Gas (CNG), Nigerians are gradually being introduced to an alternative that can reduce transportation costs while creating a new technical and commercial ecosystem around the automobile and energy sectors. 

Kano is already part of this transition. In May 2026, the Northern CNG and Electric Vehicle initiative was launched in Kano, with CNG and LNG stations commissioned and further infrastructure announced. The Federal Government has also reported that more than 1,000 commercial vehicles have been converted to CNG in Kano as the state's conversion and refuelling network continues to expand. 

But Your Excellency, there is a question we should begin asking now: Who will maintain, service and expand this new CNG ecosystem in Kano? 

My suggestion is that the Kano State Government should consider establishing a Kano State Youth CNG Conversion and Technical Empowerment Programme. 

The programme could train and certify young Kano residents in CNG vehicle conversion, installation, inspection, maintenance, diagnostics and other related technical services. Rather than seeing CNG merely as another type of fuel, Kano can see the transition as an emerging industry capable of creating mechanics, technicians, entrepreneurs, station operators, safety personnel, logistics providers and other skilled workers. 

The Federal Government itself has recognised this opportunity. In 2026, it partnered with NYSC, NADDC and Pi-CNG to train Nigerian youths in CNG retrofitting and clean-energy skills. Pi-CNG also reports that thousands of technicians have already been trained nationally. 

Kano should therefore not wait until the industry becomes fully established before preparing its young people. 

I respectfully propose that Your Excellency consider establishing state-supported CNG conversion and training centres across strategic locations in Kano, working in partnership with Pi-CNG, NADDC, relevant technical institutions, automobile associations and private-sector operators. 

These centres could serve a dual purpose: training young people and providing affordable, certified conversion services to motorists. 

The State Government could also consider a youth financing or starter-kit component for graduates of the programme. A young person who completes the required training should not simply receive a certificate and return home without equipment or an opportunity to practise. Selected graduates could be supported with tools, workshop spaces, equipment financing or partnerships that allow them to establish accredited CNG service businesses. 

There is also a need to think beyond conversion centres. 

I would respectfully encourage the Kano State Government to deepen its partnership with the Federal Government and private investors toward the expansion of CNG refuelling infrastructure across Kano State. Pi-CNG currently lists eight CNG stations in Kano, while the Federal Government has continued to expand the Northern CNG corridor. 

For CNG adoption to become normal for ordinary motorists, people must be able to convert their vehicles and confidently know where they can refuel them. 

This is why the State Government's role can be bigger than simply supporting government-owned vehicles or public transport schemes. Kano can create an environment where CNG becomes an entire economic ecosystem. 

Imagine a young Kano graduate or automobile technician who is trained in CNG conversion, certified, supported with equipment and connected to a market of thousands of motorists. That is not simply an empowerment beneficiary. That is a potential business owner and employer. 

Your Excellency, Kano has a large population of young people, many of whom already possess basic mechanical and technical skills but lack access to modern equipment, certification and emerging opportunities. The CNG transition presents an opportunity to connect these existing skills with the energy economy of tomorrow. 

And this is not about abandoning petrol overnight. 

CNG itself is not the final destination of the global clean-energy transition. Natural gas remains a fossil fuel, while electric mobility and renewable energy will continue to develop. But CNG is becoming an important part of Nigeria's present transportation transition, and the Federal Government has expanded the national initiative to include electric vehicles as part of a broader clean-mobility strategy. 

Therefore, preparing Kano's youths today means preparing them not only for CNG, but for the wider technological transformation of transportation and energy. 

Your Excellency, Kano should not merely become a state where CNG vehicles are driven. 

Kano should become a state where Kano youths build, convert, maintain and innovate around those vehicles. 

I therefore respectfully call on the Kano State Government to consider: 

• Establishing a Kano State Youth CNG Conversion and Technical Empowerment Programme. 

• Establishing or supporting state CNG conversion and training centres in strategic locations across the state. 

• Partnering with Pi-CNG, NADDC, NYSC, technical institutions and certified private operators to train and certify young Kano residents. 

• Creating financing or equipment-support mechanisms that can help qualified graduates establish accredited CNG conversion and maintenance businesses. 

• Working with the Federal Government and private investors to expand CNG refuelling stations across Kano State, particularly along major transport corridors and high-demand areas. 

• Developing a public awareness and safety campaign so that motorists understand the technology, conversion requirements, maintenance and safe use of CNG. 

The rising cost of PMS is already forcing Nigerians to rethink transportation. Rather than waiting for every increase in petrol prices to create another emergency, Kano can begin preparing its people for the alternatives. 

The Federal Government has started building the infrastructure. Kano has already entered the Northern CNG corridor. What we need now is to ensure that our youths are not left behind in the economic opportunities that come with the transition. 

Your Excellency, the question before Kano is no longer simply whether CNG will come. 

CNG is already here. 

The question is whether Kano will merely consume the new technology, or whether Kano's young people will be among those who build the industry around it. 

I respectfully urge Your Excellency to consider this proposal. 

The future of transportation is changing. Let us prepare Kano's youths for it.

Yours in nation building, 

Nworisa Michael, 

Nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

By Editor

On 21 May 2023, just eight days before President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's inauguration, I attended a sensitisation and awareness meeting organised by NNPC Limited for youths from the North-West. I actually shared a post about the meeting that same day, explaining that we were being introduced to the opportunities within the sector and to the new phase of NNPC Limited following its transition from the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation.

Looking back at that post today, one thing stands out to me. I was being introduced to a changing energy landscape at almost exactly the moment Nigeria was about to enter another major phase of its petroleum economy.

One of the issues that received considerable attention was the need for Nigerians to begin looking beyond PMS and understand the opportunities presented by Compressed Natural Gas, or CNG. The argument was straightforward: Nigeria has natural gas, CNG can be considerably cheaper per kilometre than petrol, and a broader shift towards gas-powered transportation could help reduce the pressure created by the high cost of petrol.

At the time, I remember asking myself a simple question: if Nigerians gradually moved from kerosene to cooking gas when gas became a more practical alternative, why can't we eventually do something similar with transportation?

Of course, the two situations are not exactly the same. Switching a cooking fuel does not require a vehicle conversion, nor does it require the driver to worry about where the next refuelling station will be. CNG adoption requires investment in conversion, refuelling infrastructure, safety standards and public confidence. That difference is important.

But the basic principle remains relevant. People generally adopt alternatives when those alternatives become accessible, affordable, reliable and convenient.

Interestingly, the same meeting also exposed us to the possibility of fuel-subsidy removal. I remember that my friend Sulieman Ismail and I expressed our reservations about removing the subsidy without first sufficiently addressing some of the structural issues around local production and refining. Our argument was that Nigeria needed to strengthen domestic refining and reduce some of the costs associated with exporting crude and importing refined petroleum products, so that the eventual price of PMS would not place such a heavy burden on Nigerians.

Our position did not prevail.

Eight days later, on 29 May 2023, President Tinubu announced in his inaugural address that the petrol subsidy regime could no longer be sustained.

I am not bringing this up to reopen the argument over whether subsidy removal was right or wrong. My interest today is somewhere else.

What have we done to make it easier for Nigerians to gradually reduce their dependence on PMS?

To be fair, a lot has happened since that meeting. The Federal Government launched the Presidential CNG Initiative in 2023, and the programme has since supported vehicle conversions, conversion centres, refuelling infrastructure and other interventions intended to make CNG more accessible. According to the initiative's current figures, more than 120,000 vehicles have been converted, with hundreds of certified conversion centres and more than 90 refuelling stations now listed nationwide.

Kano is also no longer completely outside this conversation. The current official CNG station directory lists several CNG refuelling points in Kano, including locations along Zaria Road, Kano-Zaria Road, BUK Road and other areas.

So the question today should not be, “Why has government done nothing about CNG?” That would not be accurate.

The more important question is: why has CNG adoption still not become as normal and widespread as many of us expected it to become?

Part of the answer may lie in the practical barriers. Vehicle conversion can require significant upfront expenditure. People want to know that they can easily find a CNG station before they spend money converting their vehicles. Investors, on the other hand, need enough vehicles using CNG to justify the infrastructure. This creates a classic chicken-and-egg problem.

There is also the issue of public awareness. Many Nigerians still know far more about the price of PMS than they know about CNG, how vehicle conversion works, where conversion can be done, how much it costs, where they can refuel and how much they could potentially save.

According to the Presidential CNG Initiative, CNG can be 40–60 percent cheaper per kilometre than petrol, although the actual savings for an individual vehicle will depend on the vehicle, conversion, driving pattern and prevailing fuel prices.

This is why I keep returning to the kerosene analogy.

Nigeria did not simply wake up one morning and stop using kerosene. The transition happened gradually as alternatives became more available, more convenient and more attractive to households.

Perhaps transportation needs a similar approach.

I am not suggesting that Nigerians should wake up tomorrow and abandon PMS completely. That would neither be realistic nor practical. But if CNG is going to form part of Nigeria's response to the cost of transportation and the country's longer-term energy transition, then the conversation has to move beyond simply telling Nigerians to convert.

We have to ask whether conversion is affordable enough, whether refuelling infrastructure is available enough, whether safety and standards are sufficiently trusted, whether financing is accessible and whether Nigerians have enough information to make informed decisions.

And there is another point worth clarifying. When we talk about the world's movement towards cleaner energy, CNG should not be confused with renewable energy such as solar or wind. Natural gas is still a fossil fuel. But CNG can play a role as a lower-emission transport fuel compared with petrol and diesel while countries develop broader cleaner-energy systems.

That distinction matters because Nigeria should not simply be looking for another way to remain dependent on fossil fuels. We should be thinking about how gas, renewables, electric mobility and other technologies fit into a realistic long-term transition.

Three years ago, I sat in a room where some of these conversations were already taking place. At the time, the biggest question for many Nigerians was what would happen when petrol subsidy was eventually removed.

Today, after everything Nigerians have experienced with petrol prices, perhaps we should be asking a different question.

If we already knew that Nigeria needed alternatives to PMS, why are we still finding it difficult to make those alternatives sufficiently accessible to the ordinary Nigerian?

The transition will not happen simply because we tell people that CNG is cheaper.

It will happen when Nigerians can afford to convert, confidently find where to refuel, understand the technology, trust its safety and actually experience the economic benefit.

The question is no longer whether Nigeria needs alternatives to PMS. The question is how quickly, practically and affordably we can make those alternatives work for ordinary Nigerians.

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum-ICSF and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

Friday 18th, Sep; 2026

By Editor

Perhaps I am looking at this differently from some people, but I think Kano needs to start asking a very simple question: Why are we seeing political materials presenting H.E Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso as Vice President without adequately presenting Peter Obi, the actual presidential candidate? 

Before anyone misunderstands me, I am not saying every NDC poster in Kano does this. I am talking about the materials I have personally come across, and I think what they communicate deserves discussion. H.E Peter Obi is the presidential candidate, while Kwankwaso is the running mate. That is the ticket. Obi himself announced Kwankwaso as his running mate after emerging as the NDC presidential candidate. 

So why should we pretend that it is normal when political messaging at the grassroots begins to project the vice-presidential candidate almost as though he were the principal candidate? There may be an innocent explanation. Perhaps it is simply a strategy to appeal to Kano's strong Kwankwasiyya base. Perhaps those producing the posters believe Kwankwaso's name and image are more electorally useful in Kano. But if that is the strategy, then we should be honest enough to discuss what it means. 

Political posters are not decoration. They are political communication. What you choose to put on a poster, what you make prominent and what you leave out are all deliberate decisions. That is why I find it difficult to understand the argument that we should simply ignore the omission of Peter Obi or treat it as insignificant. 

If the Obi-Kwankwaso project is genuinely about building a national political movement around both men, then Nigerians should be able to see both men and clearly understand the relationship between their roles. Otherwise, what exactly are we selling to Kano: an Obi-Kwankwaso ticket, or a Kwankwaso political project that happens to have Peter Obi at the top of the ballot? That distinction matters. 

We have already seen how political messaging can shape what voters understand, and we have also seen the intensity of the reaction to the ticket in Kano, including reports of Obi-Kwankwaso campaign posters being destroyed in Ungogo earlier this year. So no, I do not think we should pretend that the imagery and messaging surrounding this alliance are irrelevant. 

To be clear, I am not claiming that a poster proves Kwankwaso's private intentions. A poster cannot tell us what is happening inside a politician's mind or prove the motives behind an alliance. But political communication can tell us something about how a political organisation wants an alliance to be understood at the grassroots. That alone makes it worth watching and discussing. 

After all, politics is not only about what politicians say at press conferences. Sometimes, it is also about what their posters say when nobody is standing behind a microphone. 

Should we talk about the omission of H.E Peter Obi ? 

Or should we act like it is normal? 

#NigeriaDecides2027

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum-ICSF and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

Dear Sir/Madam, 

I write this open letter with respect for the important work being carried out by the Kano State Police Command and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) in protecting our communities, combating crime and maintaining public safety. 

As someone who works with communities across Kano and follows security developments closely, I have observed a pattern in the social-media communication of some security operations that I believe deserves a second look. In particular, I refer to the frequent publication of clear photographs and videos of dangerous weapons and sharp implements recovered from suspected criminals during operations. 

I understand the reason behind such publicity. Security agencies have a responsibility to inform the public about their activities, reassure citizens that operations are being conducted and demonstrate that criminals are being confronted. Publicising successful arrests and recoveries can also serve as a deterrent. 

My concern, however, is not about whether these achievements should be communicated. It is about how much of the recovered items needs to be shown to the public. 

In several instances, photographs and videos published online clearly display different types, shapes and designs of knives, locally fabricated weapons, daggers, cutlasses and other dangerous implements allegedly recovered from suspects during operations. Sometimes the objects are presented in close-up images or videos where their individual features can easily be examined. 

This raises a question that I believe our security communication strategy should consider: Could some of these publications unintentionally provide ideas or visual references to individuals who may have criminal intentions? 

The concern becomes even more important as we approach another election period. Political activities are already increasing, and in some communities rival groups of young people and political actors can become increasingly confrontational. At such a time, our security agencies should be particularly conscious of anything that could inadvertently contribute to the spread of ideas, designs or visual references for dangerous implements. 

I am not suggesting that security agencies should hide recovered weapons or stop informing the public about successful operations. Far from it. The public deserves to know that dangerous individuals are being arrested and dangerous materials are being taken off our streets. 

But there is a distinction between publicising a security achievement and publicly displaying every detail of the evidence recovered during that achievement. 

The actual photographs and detailed documentation can remain available for investigative, evidentiary and judicial purposes. Not everything that must be documented for law enforcement necessarily has to be published for public consumption. 

The Police and NDLEA can report that dangerous weapons were recovered without necessarily providing high-resolution photographs of every individual item. Where images are necessary, sensitive or unnecessarily detailed features could be blurred or the presentation adjusted so that the public receives the warning without receiving what could become a visual catalogue of criminal implements. 

Perhaps security agencies could consider a simple principle when preparing such posts: 

“What does the public need to know, and what does the public not need to see?” 

That question becomes particularly important during politically sensitive periods. 

We have a responsibility to prevent our young people from becoming tools in political violence. We must therefore think beyond the immediate success of an operation and consider the possible secondary effects of how that success is communicated. 

Let us continue telling Kano that our security agencies are working. 

Let us continue celebrating successful operations. 

Let us continue warning criminals and reassuring law-abiding citizens. 

But where possible, let us do so without inadvertently teaching tomorrow's criminal something that today's operation has already taken off the streets. 

This letter is not written as a criticism of the men and women working tirelessly within our security agencies. It is a constructive observation from a stakeholder who believes that public confidence and effective security communication should work hand in hand. 

The fight against crime belongs to all of us. And sometimes strengthening that fight requires us to examine not only what we do, but also how we communicate what we do. 

Yours in Nation Building, 

Nworisa Michael

Coordinator, Inter-Tribe Community Support Forum (ICSF), Kano State

By Editor

Honestly, I find Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s statement on the killing of Ibrahim Khalil Dan Shagamu rather uncalled for. There is absolutely nothing wrong with a politician condemning the killing of a citizen, demanding an investigation and calling on the authorities to protect Nigerians whose political opinions may expose them to threats. Those are legitimate concerns. What I find unnecessary is the decision to turn a condolence message into another opportunity to campaign for an "incoming NDC Government."

The moment the statement says that if the present authorities fail to act, the incoming NDC Government will investigate the matter and take the necessary steps, the focus shifts from the deceased and his grieving family to electoral politics. I honestly do not think every tragedy needs to become a political talking point. Sometimes, a political leader should be able to speak simply as a concerned Nigerian without immediately reminding us what his party will do when it comes to power.

I say this as someone who has previously criticised Senator Kwankwaso over what I considered an inadequate use of his national political stature at a time when insecurity was ravaging the North. I questioned then why a politician of his standing would not take every available national platform to speak more forcefully about the killings, kidnappings and suffering of ordinary Northerners. My position has not changed simply because the political environment has changed.

If we criticise the government of the day for politicising insecurity, opposition politicians should not make the same mistake whenever an opportunity presents itself. The death of Ibrahim Khalil Dan Shagamu deserves justice, his family deserves compassion, and Nigerians deserve answers. Those demands do not need addition of an electoral promise to make them meaningful.

Whoever drafted this statement for Senator Kwankwaso did him no favour. In trying to score a political point, they weakened what could have been a powerful and dignified message of condolence.

Not every tragedy is a campaign opportunity. Sometimes, politics should simply step aside and allow grief, justice and humanity to speak.
Honestly, this practice should not be normalised.

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe  Community Support Forum-ICSF and writes from Nworisamichael1917@gmail.com

Skystarts Enterprise NG has commenced field sales activation and market penetration operations for Tadah Foods and Cereals Limited, the manufacturers of Kaiyang Wheat Flour and producers of Sarman Bread.

The commercial engagement sees Skystarts Enterprise NG managing ground operations, retail account onboarding, and trade activation across metropolitan commercial centers in Kano State.

The field deployment is designed to strengthen supply channels, enhance product availability, and build direct relationships with local retailers, bakeries, and commercial food vendors.

Speaking on the initiative, Nworisa Michael, Managing Director and Project Lead at Skystarts Enterprise NG, emphasized the company’s focus on driving tangible trade growth.

"Our goal is to ensure strong market presence and reliable distribution," Nworisa said. "We are working on the ground to make Kaiyang Wheat Flour and Sarman Bread widely accessible to retailers and consumers across Kano."

The project reinforces Skystarts Enterprise NG’s position as a rising field management and brand activation firm supporting corporate growth across Northern Nigeria.

Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu (In middle addressing the Press)

By Editor 

#TheNworisaDoctrine 

For decades, many Nigerians have grown up with a simple description of January 15, 1966: the Igbo coup. The story is familiar: Igbo military officers overthrew Nigeria's First Republic, killed prominent Northern and Western leaders, and an Igbo officer, Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, eventually emerged as Head of State. The anger that followed in the North then became part of the chain of events that eventually led to the Nigerian Civil War. 

But what if the story is more complicated than the label suggests? This is not an attempt to excuse the coup. It was an unconstitutional seizure of power, and the killing of political leaders and military officers cannot be justified by whatever grievances the plotters had against Nigeria's political class. But if we genuinely want to understand how Nigeria moved from January 15 to the Civil War, we have to look beyond the label and examine what actually happened. 

By January 1966, Nigeria's young democracy was already in serious trouble. The 1964 federal election had been bitterly disputed, while the Western Region had descended into political violence following the controversial 1965 election. Homes were burned, political opponents were attacked and the crisis popularly remembered as “Operation Wetie” demonstrated just how badly the political system was deteriorating. To some young military officers, the politicians appeared incapable of resolving the problems they had created. 

Among those who eventually plotted the coup were Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Major Adewale Ademoyega. Nzeogwu and Ifeajuna were Igbo, while Ademoyega was Yoruba. The wider group of officers involved was also not exclusively Igbo. This does not mean ethnicity had nothing to do with how the coup unfolded or how it was later perceived, but it does make the simple description of the operation as an exclusively Igbo conspiracy much harder to sustain. 

And then there is the part of the story that many Nigerians may never have heard. 

One of the reported intentions of the plotters was to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was then serving a prison sentence, and bring him into the new political arrangement. Major Ademoyega's account, as one of the principal planners, contains the Awolowo connection, and other historical accounts have also referred to the plan. This does not mean Awolowo planned or authorised the coup. It means that at least some of the plotters were thinking beyond simply handing Nigeria to an Igbo government. 

That raises an important question: if the plotters' intentions were more complicated, how did January 15 become remembered as an “Igbo coup”? 

Part of the answer lies in who was killed and what happened afterward. 

Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, was killed. Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was killed. Several senior Northern military officers were killed. In the West, Premier Samuel Ladoke Akintola was also killed. Yet the coup itself did not completely succeed. The operation in Lagos failed to achieve all its objectives, and Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi survived. 

Eventually, Ironsi emerged as Head of State. 

Ironsi was Igbo. 

Whatever the original intentions of the plotters, this was now the reality Nigerians had to interpret. Imagine how the events looked from the perspective of a Northern Nigerian who had just watched Ahmadu Bello, Balewa and several senior Northern officers murdered, only to see an Igbo military officer emerge at the centre of the new government. To many, the pattern appeared unmistakably ethnic. 

The distinction between who planned the coup, who carried out particular killings, who ultimately took power and how the public interpreted the events became almost impossible to maintain. The actions of a relatively small group of military officers increasingly became associated with an entire ethnic group. 

Ironsi's subsequent policies made matters even more complicated. His government introduced Decree No. 34, which sought to replace the existing federal structure of the civil service with a unified system. From one perspective, centralisation was an attempt to eliminate the regional divisions that had contributed to Nigeria's political crisis. But coming only months after the deaths of the Northern political leadership, it was interpreted by many Northerners as confirmation of their fears that the North had lost its political power to an Igbo-led central government. 

Whether that interpretation was completely fair is another question. But political history is shaped not only by what leaders intend; it is also shaped by what people believe those intentions to be. 

On July 29, 1966, Northern military officers launched a counter-coup. Ironsi was killed alongside Lieutenant-Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, the Yoruba military governor of the Western Region who had refused to abandon him. What followed was even more devastating: violence spread against Igbo people and other Eastern Nigerians living in parts of the North. Thousands were killed, families were displaced and people who had spent decades building lives outside their ancestral homes began returning East because they no longer felt safe. 

The anger created by the deaths of Northern leaders was understandable as an emotional reaction to an extraordinary political crime. The retaliation against innocent civilians, however, was neither justice nor a legitimate response to the coup. 

An Igbo trader in Kano did not kill Ahmadu Bello. An Igbo child born in Kaduna did not overthrow Nigeria's government. An Igbo railway worker did not design the coup. Yet an entire population increasingly became associated with the actions of a relatively small group of military officers. 

That was one of the great tragedies of 1966: individual responsibility was replaced by collective blame. 

From there, trust between the regions deteriorated rapidly. The massacres and mass displacement deepened the belief in the East that Igbo lives could no longer be guaranteed within Nigeria. Political negotiations failed, the country was restructured into states, and eventually Lt. Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu declared the independence of Biafra. On July 6, 1967, the Federal Government began military operations, marking the formal beginning of the Civil War. 

Nigeria's Civil War was therefore not born from one event. It emerged from a succession of political failures, killings, fears, retaliations and broken trust. 

This is why perhaps we need to be more careful about the history we pass to the next generation. Saying that January 1966 was more complicated than the phrase “Igbo coup” does not mean celebrating the coup or denying the deaths of the Northern and Western leaders. It means refusing to turn the actions of individuals into the guilt of an entire people. 

We can condemn the coup without condemning the Igbo. We can remember Ahmadu Bello and Tafawa Balewa without justifying the killing of innocent Eastern Nigerians. We can acknowledge the legitimate anger of people who lost their leaders without accepting collective punishment as justice. 

The young Nigerians alive today did not choose what their grandparents did in 1966. We cannot change what happened, but we can decide what we inherit from it. 

We can inherit the facts without inheriting the hatred. 

Perhaps that is the history of January 15 that Nigeria most needs to remember. 

Nworisa Michael, Department of History & International Studies Northwest University, Kano. Coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum. Writes from Nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

#TheNworisaDoctrine is a body of ideas centred on nation-building, civic responsibility, inclusive governance and African self-determination.

H.E Engr. Abba K. Yusuf ( Left), Mallam Tijjani Sarki ( Right)

By Editor

Your Excellency, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf,

Permit me to commend your administration for the constitution of the Political Advisory Committee and the Blueprint Review Committee. These initiatives demonstrate an important willingness to listen, review existing policies and create mechanisms through which governance can respond more effectively to the aspirations of the people.

However, Your Excellency, I respectfully believe that one critical pillar is still missing from this emerging advisory architecture, an Economic Advisory Council capable of providing independent, high-level economic intelligence to the government of Kano State.

This is not a call for another committee for the sake of creating a committee. It is a call for an institution that can help answer one of the most consequential questions facing Kano.

How do we transform Kano's enormous economic potential into sustainable wealth, productive employment and prosperity for its people?

Kano is more than a geographical entity. It is a historic commercial civilisation.

For centuries, its markets connected communities across northern Nigeria and the wider West African trading space. Its merchants built businesses across borders long before modern economic integration became fashionable. Its farmers, manufacturers, artisans and entrepreneurs have demonstrated remarkable resilience, often succeeding despite difficult economic conditions.

Yet today, millions of Kano citizens are struggling to translate their hard work into sustainable prosperity.

Our young people need jobs.

Our entrepreneurs need capital.

Our manufacturers need infrastructure.

Our farmers need markets and value chains.

Our traders need modern business systems.

Our investors need confidence.

And our government needs stronger economic intelligence to make decisions that can change the trajectory of the state.

This is why Kano needs an Economic Advisory Council.

Your Excellency, I propose that the council should bring together some of the finest economic, financial and investment minds associated with Kano—people whose records have taken them from Kano to Abuja, London, Washington, New York and other international centres of economic decision-making.

At the forefront, I respectfully propose His Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Emir of Kano, as Chairman of the Council.

His professional journey in economics, banking and financial regulation is exceptional. Before ascending the throne, he served as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, where he was associated with major financial-sector reforms during one of Nigeria's most difficult economic periods. His international exposure and understanding of monetary policy, banking, investment and economic development would bring considerable intellectual weight to such a council.

His position as Emir would also give the council a unique bridge between traditional institutions, business communities, government and the people.

I also respectfully suggest the inclusion of eminent Kano professionals such as Dr. Mansur Muhtar Sarkinbsn Kano, whose distinguished career has included senior responsibilities at the Central Bank of Nigeria, the World Bank and the African Development Bank, as well as service as Nigeria's Minister of Finance.

Another possible member is Dr. Shamsuddeen Usman, an accomplished economist and technocrat who served as Nigeria's Minister of Finance and Minister of National Planning, and whose career includes senior responsibilities at the Central Bank of Nigeria.

These are only examples. The council should undertake a wider search for Kano's economists, investment experts, bankers, industrialists, entrepreneurs, development specialists, financial strategists and international professionals with proven records of achievement.

The criterion should be simple:

Competence before politics.

Experience before title.

Integrity before influence.

Results before reputation.

The council should not become another body that produces reports that gather dust on government shelves.

It should be designed as an economic think tank and strategic advisory institution with a clear mandate to help Kano make better economic decisions.

Its responsibilities could include advising government on:

investment attraction and retention,

industrialisation and manufacturing,

revival of Kano's textile and garment industry,

agricultural commercialisation and agro-processing,

MSME development and access to finance,

taxation and internally generated revenue,

public-private partnerships,

infrastructure and investment financing,

regional trade and AfCFTA,

export development,

energy and renewable energy,

digital economy and innovation,

youth employment and entrepreneurship,

urban economic development,

public expenditure efficiency, and

strategies for making Kano a regional production and trading hub.

But beyond advice, the council should establish measurable economic targets.

Kano should know where it wants to be in five, ten and twenty years, and what must be done every year to get there.

Your Excellency, I strongly recommend that the council should not depend entirely on the existing machinery of government.

It should have a dedicated Secretariat, professionally structured and adequately resourced to coordinate its activities, conduct research, prepare economic briefs, monitor implementation and maintain continuous engagement with the private sector and development institutions.

The Secretariat should be headed by a Director-General, appointed on the basis of demonstrated competence in economics, finance, investment, public policy or development management.

The Director-General should serve as the operational link between the Council, the Governor's Office, Ministries, Departments and Agencies, the private sector, investors, academia and international development partners.

This structure would ensure that the council remains active between meetings and that its recommendations are converted into actionable programmes rather than remaining intellectual exercises.

I would further advocate the development of an annual Kano Economic Transformation Scorecard.

It should track issues that directly affect the lives of ordinary citizens:

How many jobs have been created?

How much private investment has entered Kano?

How many businesses have moved from informal to formal operations?

How much agricultural production has been commercialised?

How many industries have reopened or expanded?

How much has Kano exported?

How much have MSMEs grown?

How much new wealth has been created outside government employment?

These are the indicators that ultimately matter to the young graduate looking for work, the farmer seeking a market, the woman trying to expand her business and the entrepreneur struggling to keep his factory alive.

Your Excellency, Kano's economic transformation must not become synonymous with increasing government revenue alone.

A government can increase revenue while citizens remain poor.

The ultimate objective must be wealth creation.

We must build an economy where citizens do not merely survive from one day to another, but where businesses grow, workers earn decent incomes, farmers become commercially successful and young people can see a future for themselves without having to abandon Kano.

Our ambition should be to transform Kano from a state renowned primarily for consumption and commerce into a state renowned for production, manufacturing, innovation, exports and investment.

That is the economic transformation our people deserve.

Your Excellency, the proposed structure could become a powerful governance framework.

Political Advisory Committee, listening to political realities and the aspirations of citizens.

Blueprint Review Committee, reviewing policies, programmes and the administration's development blueprint.

Economic Advisory Council  providing high-level economic intelligence and strategies for wealth creation, investment and sustainable development.

Together, they would give your administration three essential perspectives:

What are the people saying?

What is government doing?

And where is the economy going?

That combination can strengthen governance considerably.

Behind every economic statistic is a human being.

There is a young Kano graduate who has completed university but cannot find employment.

There is a woman selling goods who wants to expand but cannot access affordable finance.

There is a farmer producing crops without adequate storage or a reliable market.

There is a manufacturer who wants to employ hundreds but is constrained by energy and infrastructure costs.

There is a trader whose business has survived for decades but has never had the opportunity to become a modern enterprise.

These are not statistics. They are our people.

Their hopes and frustrations should be at the centre of every economic conversation we have.

Your Excellency, administrations come and go, but institutions endure.

Roads will age. Buildings will require maintenance. Governments will change.

But if your administration helps establish a durable economic institution capable of continuously generating ideas, attracting investment and guiding Kano's economic policy, its impact could extend far beyond your tenure.

That would be a legacy not merely written in concrete, but written in the livelihoods of millions of Kano citizens.

Kano does not lack talent.

Kano does not lack entrepreneurs.

Kano does not lack markets.

Kano does not lack history.

What Kano needs is a deliberate economic architecture capable of bringing these strengths together.

Let it be courageous enough to recommend difficult reforms.

And, above all, let it remain focused on one overriding mission.

Your Excellency, Kano has waited long enough.

Te time has come not only to govern Kano, but to re-engineer its economic destiny.

Respectfully

Tijjani Sarki

Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst

Kano is a meeting point for people of different ethnic, cultural and regional backgrounds. Over the years, many of these communities have contributed to the social and economic life of the state and built relationships that continue to evolve. 

Perhaps, as our democracy and institutions mature, there is room to think more deliberately about how these relationships can be strengthened. 

One idea worth considering is the establishment of an Office of Inter-Community Relations and Social Cohesion within the Kano State Government. 

This is not a call to create another bureaucratic layer, nor is it an attempt to divide Kano along ethnic lines. Quite the opposite. The purpose would be to strengthen the bridges that already exist between communities and create platforms for dialogue where such bridges need reinforcement. 

Such an office could provide a structured channel through which government engages regularly with different ethnic, cultural and socio-community associations across the state. It could facilitate dialogue, identify emerging tensions before they escalate, support peaceful resolution of misunderstandings and provide government with better insight into issues affecting different communities. 

It could also work alongside civil society organisations, traditional institutions, youth groups, security agencies and relevant government ministries to promote integration, cultural understanding and peaceful coexistence. 

Most importantly, inter-community relations should not only become a government concern when there is already a crisis. 

Prevention is better than reaction. 

Imagine a structure where government regularly engages communities not because something has gone wrong, but because maintaining understanding and trust is itself a form of good governance. 

It could support cultural exchanges, encourage joint community initiatives, create opportunities for young people from different backgrounds to interact and help address stereotypes before they become sources of tension. 

Kano has demonstrated that people of different backgrounds can live, work and build together. Perhaps what is needed now is a more deliberate institutional effort to strengthen that reality. 

Such an office would not replace existing ministries, agencies, traditional institutions or community structures. It could instead serve as a coordinating bridge between them, ensuring that peaceful coexistence and social integration receive continuous attention rather than occasional attention. 

And perhaps the most important message would be this: 

Our diversity does not have to be a source of division. With the right institutions and deliberate engagement, it can become one of our greatest strengths. 

This is simply an idea for discussion, not a demand. 

As our democracy continues to evolve, perhaps there is value in exploring new ways of bringing government and communities closer together. 

Sometimes, good governance begins with simply creating a place where people can sit down, listen to one another and find common ground. 

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com

By Editor 

Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, has visited the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, as part of his engagements in Abuja following his victory in the August 15 governorship election.

Adeleke's visit to Wike came shortly after he met with President Bola Tinubu at the Presidential Villa in Abuja, where he presented his certificate of return and expressed appreciation for what he described as the President's commitment to allowing the electoral process to proceed without interference.

A photograph of Adeleke's meeting with Wike was shared on Thursday by Lere Olayinka, the minister's media aide, showing the two politicians exchanging pleasantries while holding the governor's certificate of return.

The meeting with Wike was one of the governor's engagements following his re-election in the Osun governorship poll.

Adeleke, who contested the election on the platform of the Accord Party, was declared winner by the Independent National Electoral Commission after securing 511,067 votes, defeating the All Progressives Congress candidate, Bola Oyebamiji, who polled 444,815 votes.

The governor recorded victories in 19 of Osun State's 30 local government areas.

Earlier at the Presidential Villa, Adeleke thanked President Tinubu for what he described as his role in allowing the election to take place freely.

Speaking with State House correspondents after the meeting, Adeleke described Tinubu as the "father of the nation" and said the President deserved commendation for respecting the democratic process.

He said his visit was primarily to express appreciation to the President and reinforce the importance of democratic governance in Nigeria.

Adeleke's series of meetings in Abuja come as he begins preparations for his next term in office following his declaration as winner of the governorship election.

If you walk through Sabon Gari in Kano today, it is easy to see it simply as one of the city's busiest commercial areas. Behind the shops, streets, churches, businesses and endless movement of people, however, is a story that goes back more than a century. It is a story about migration, opportunity and the making of a community and, perhaps surprisingly to many Nigerians today, it is also an important part of the history of the Igbo people in Kano. 

During the colonial period, Southern Nigerians began moving north in search of work, trade and business opportunities. Kano, already one of West Africa's great commercial centres, naturally attracted many of them. To accommodate these growing migrant communities, the colonial authorities developed what became known as Sabon Gari “new town” in Hausa. 

It is sometimes easy, looking back from today's Nigeria, to assume that Sabon Gari was simply created as an ethnic enclosure. The reality was more nuanced. The colonial administration was deliberately organising different parts of the growing city according to the roles, backgrounds and lifestyles of the people living in them. Sabon Gari was developed largely for migrants from Southern Nigeria who came to Kano for work, trade and other opportunities. 

In much the same manner, areas such as Nasarawa GRA were laid out to provide residential environments suited to European colonial officials and the lifestyle they were accustomed to back home in Europe spacious compounds, generous setbacks, gardens and an environment designed around their residential preferences. This is why, even today, one can notice the spacious compounds and garden-filled yards characteristic of some of the older parts of Nasarawa. 

So, the story of Sabon Gari should be understood within that larger colonial arrangement. There was certainly an element of colonial segregation in the way Kano was planned, but Sabon Gari was also a response to a very practical reality: people from different parts of colonial Nigeria were increasingly coming to Kano to work, trade and settle. And among those migrants, the Igbo would eventually become one of the largest and most influential communities. 

Initially, the Yoruba were more numerous among the Southern migrants in Sabon Gari. But after the Second World War, Igbo migration to Kano increased considerably. By the middle of the 1950s, historical research estimates that about 59 percent of Sabon Gari's population was Igbo, while the Yoruba accounted for about 24 percent. 

Think about what that means. A significant part of Kano's story was being written by people whose ancestral homes were thousands of kilometres away. These were not simply visitors passing through Kano. Many came to stay. Some came alone and later brought their families; others were born there. Their children attended school there, grew up there and knew Kano as home.  

The popular image is often that the Igbo came to northern cities simply to do business. Business was certainly important, but they were also railway workers, civil servants, employees of companies, artisans, professionals and entrepreneurs. Kano's growing economy provided opportunities, and many Igbo migrants established themselves firmly within the city's commercial and professional life. 

Sabon Gari became particularly important to this economic story. By the 1960s, its market had grown into one of Kano's significant commercial centres, and historical research describes it as an important centre of Igbo commercial activity. But perhaps the more interesting part of the story is what happened beyond the marketplace: they began building a community. 

The Igbo residents did not simply arrive in Kano and live as isolated individuals. They formed associations to look after one another. The Igbo Union had branches across Nigeria, including Kano, and its presence there became well established by the 1940s. These organisations helped newcomers settle, supported members during difficult times, assisted families during marriages and funerals, provided financial assistance and helped create a sense of community far from their ancestral homes. 

The community also invested in education. Before 1966, the Igbo community in Kano had established both a primary and secondary school for its children. This tells us something important about the nature of their settlement. They were not merely temporary traders passing through a northern city, they were putting down roots, raising families and building institutions that suggested they expected to remain part of Kano's future. 

Imagine a young Igbo man arriving in Kano several decades ago. He finds his way to Sabon Gari and meets people from his community. Perhaps someone helps him find accommodation or introduces him to a business opportunity. He starts small, maybe by opening a shop, working for the railway or finding employment with a company. Eventually, he brings his family. His children are born in Kano, attend school in Kano and grow up around Hausa neighbours and other Nigerians from different parts of the country. At some point, Kano stops being simply the place where their father came to make a living. It becomes home. 

By the 1960s, some of these migrants were already second-generation residents  people born and raised in Kano who had never known another home. 

Nigeria entered one of the darkest periods in its history. The January 1966 coup, the political crisis that followed, the counter-coup and the growing suspicion between Nigeria's regions created an atmosphere in which ethnicity became increasingly dangerous. The violence that followed in Northern Nigeria affected Igbo communities severely, and Kano was among the places where the violence was particularly devastating. 

The attacks reached Sabon Gari. People who had spent decades building businesses, friendships and families in Kano suddenly found themselves running for their lives. Some abandoned their shops, some left their homes, and some never returned. The population of Igbo residents in Sabon Gari fell dramatically in 1966, and during the Civil War many of those who remained were forced into hiding or disguise. 

It is one of those moments in Nigerian history that deserves to be remembered not simply through statistics, but through the human beings behind them. Imagine being born in Kano, growing up in Kano and building your entire livelihood in Kano and then being made to feel, by circumstances you did not create, that you were suddenly a stranger. 

The war ended, Nigeria remained one country, and gradually Igbo Nigerians began returning to Kano. They reopened businesses, rebuilt their lives and returned to the streets and markets they had once known. Sabon Gari once again became an important centre of Igbo life in Kano. 

Over the decades, the community expanded beyond Sabon Gari. Historical research from the 1990s records Igbo residents living in areas such as Brigade, Wudil, Bompai, Nassarawa, Naibawa and Gyadi-Gyadi, among others. The community was no longer confined to one part of the city, it had become part of Kano's wider social and economic landscape. 

Today, if you walk through Kano's commercial areas, you will still find Igbo Nigerians doing many of the things generations before them did trading, working, building businesses, raising families and contributing to the economy. You will find people whose parents came from the East, others who were born in Kano, and young Nigerians who may identify strongly with their Igbo heritage while also considering Kano home. 

That, perhaps, is the most fascinating part of this history. 

It reminds us that long before social media gave us hashtags like #NorthVsSouth, Nigerians were already moving across these geographical boundaries. A man from the East could build a business in Kano, a Yoruba could establish a home in Sabon Gari, a northerner could trade with both. People could speak different languages, worship differently, eat different foods and still participate in the same economy. 

Our history has certainly known conflict, but it has also known coexistence, commerce, friendship, migration and shared dreams. Perhaps that is something worth remembering today, because Nigeria was never built by one tribe. 

Kano was never built by only Kanawa. Lagos was never built by only Yorubas. Onitsha was never built by only Igbos. Our cities became what they are because Nigerians moved, traded, worked, married, learnt from one another and built together. 

Perhaps the Nigeria we need today is not one where everybody becomes the same. Perhaps it is one where an Igbo man can call Kano home, a Hausa man can find opportunity in Enugu, a Yoruba woman can build a life in Maiduguri, and none of them has to prove that they belong before being treated as Nigerian. 

We have lived this way before. Maybe we should remember how. 

This is Nigeria's history. And it belongs to all of us.

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

#TheNworisaDoctrine a body of ideas centred on nation-building, civic responsibility, inclusive governance and African self-determination.

Sheikh Yahaya Jingri

Religious card politics will come to an end when, this time, it is not merely the government that chooses to move beyond the politics of religious division, but citizens themselves who grow into a consciousness of what truly defines nationhood. The Peace of Westphalia in 1648 marked a major turning point in the evolution of sovereign states and the changing relationship between religious authority and political power. Perhaps Nigeria now needs a similar transformation not imposed from above, but demanded from below by citizens who have become conscious of their common nationhood.

I have followed the reactions from individuals and politicians to the Sheikh Jingri's statement. Interestingly, some of the politicians condemning these statements today are people who, when they held political power, led administrations that had little or no regard for the diversity that defines Nigeria. Yet, as is often typical of political discourse, they have quickly joined the chorus of condemnation against statements that, in one form or another, reflect the very tendencies they once institutionalised or tolerated tendencies that divide us as a people and continue to dwarf our progress towards genuine nationhood.

This is not to excuse anyone's divisive statement. Rather, it is a call for consistency. We cannot condemn the weaponisation of identity only when it is politically convenient and remain silent when the same identity politics serves our own interests.

Sheikh Jingri's statement is one of those expressions we should begin to reconsider as a society. On several occasions, whenever I have had the opportunity to speak on platforms discussing issues of national identity and diversity, I have drawn attention to the word "WAZOBIA." Some of us proudly use the word without considering what it actually communicates.

Have we ever stopped to ask what an Ogoni man in Rivers State feels when we attempt to define him through "Bia"? What does a Tiv person feel when we attach him to an identity that does not represent his history, culture or people? What about the many other ethnic groups whose identities are reduced to labels created from the names or expressions of three dominant groups?

We often say "WAZOBIA" with pride because we have come to associate it with Nigeria's diversity. But perhaps we should also ask whether celebrating diversity requires us to reduce the identities of those who do not fit within those three letters.

The truth is that we are all guilty in one way or another. Sometimes it is the politician who weaponises ethnicity. Sometimes it is the religious leader who turns difference into suspicion. Sometimes it is the ordinary citizen who repeats a stereotype without questioning it. And sometimes it is those of us who condemn identity politics in one context while participating in it in another.

Nationhood requires something greater from us.

Our diversity should not be something we merely tolerate. It should be something we understand, protect and transform into strength. Being Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Tiv, Ogoni, Kanuri, Ibibio, Ijaw, Fulani or any of the hundreds of identities that make up Nigeria should not make anyone more or less Nigerian.

The Nigerian identity should not demand that we surrender our ethnic or religious identities. Rather, it should provide a common national identity within which those identities can coexist with dignity.

When citizens begin to understand this, religious and ethnic identity will gradually lose its political value. A politician will find it increasingly difficult to weaponise religion when voters refuse to vote on the basis of religious fear. A religious leader will find it increasingly difficult to divide communities when believers themselves reject the manipulation of their faith for political purposes.

The same applies to ethnicity.

The day Nigerians begin to see diversity not as a barrier to nationhood but as one of the greatest strengths upon which nationhood can be built, it will become increasingly irrelevant for any politician, religious leader or public figure to weaponise our differences for influence.

Perhaps the real revolution Nigeria needs is not simply a change of government. It is a change in consciousness.

We must reach a point where our political choices are determined less by the religion of the candidate and more by the quality of their character, competence, vision and commitment to the Nigerian state. We must reach a point where a Christian can confidently vote for a Muslim without being accused of betraying his faith, and a Muslim can support a Christian without being told that he has abandoned his religion.

That is when religion will begin to return to where it belongs: as a matter of conscience and faith rather than a political weapon.

Perhaps, then, the next great milestone in Nigeria's journey toward nationhood will not be another constitutional amendment, another political arrangement or another agreement among political elites. It may simply be the moment when ordinary Nigerians collectively decide that our differences will no longer be allowed to determine how we see one another.

Nationhood will not be handed to us by politicians. We must grow into it as citizens.

Nworisa Michael is the coordinator of Inter-tribe Community Support Forum and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com 

#TheNworisaDoctrine a body of ideas centred on nation-building, civic responsibility, inclusive governance and African self-determination.